A Prayer for America, by Dennis Kucinich, is a 141-page collection of speeches and essays that charts the Ohio Congressman's political journey from "Boy-Mayor" (p.VIII) of Cleveland in the late 1970s to Democratic Presidential candidate in 2004. The works are predominantly culled from the post-9/11 era, and the anthology situates Kucinich as a quixotic politician whose ideals continue to drive his civic engagement, no matter the political consequences.
Interspersing his experiences of growing up as one of seven children in low-income Cleveland with the inspirational words of great Americans of legendary struggles, each chapter is an eloquent rallying cry for what Kucinich calls the "Second Renaissance" (p.55) of America. Promoting a political agenda that encompasses substantial changes to both domestic and foreign policy, Kucinich positions himself as an advocate for not only the working poor in America, but also for the marginalized in the developing world. He calls for a paradigm shift — "the remythologizing of America" (p.57) — where government takes moral responsibility for its weakest citizens and Corporate America embraces the needs of its workers and their communities.
—Ceri Au
A Prayer for America
by Dennis Kucinich
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| Childhood | The son of a teamster truck driver who "died with his first retirement check in his pocket, uncashed" (p.97), Kucinich portrays his early years as fraught with the realities faced by average, hard-working American families. From watching his parents count pennies on the kitchen table to pay the electricity bill at month's end, to experiencing the sting of eviction — his family was forced to move 21 times before his 17th birthday — he recounts an adolescence that solidified the heart of an advocate of the underdog and underclass. |
| Odd Jobs | Before entering politics as a Cleveland city councillor at the age of 23, Kucinich dabbled in a variety of odd jobs. At a county hospital, he worked as an orderly and later as a surgical technician. At the local newspaper he toiled as a copy boy. He holds a Bachelor's and a Master's degree in Communication Science from Case Western Reserve University. |
| Early Years in Politics | Attaining mayoral success at the age of 31, Kucinich became the youngest leader of a major American city. He was elected by a constituency eager to halt the sale of the publicly owned electrical utility (Muny Light) to a privately held company (CEI). The ensuing battle pitted Kucinich against the local banking establishment, many of whom were board members at CEI. When the banks foreclosed on Cleveland's debt, attempting to force the mayor to amend his position, Kucinich remained unmoved. Despite preserving Muny Light as a public utility, he ultimately lost the subsequent mayoral election. Kucinich did not reenter public life again until 1994 when he was elected to the Ohio Senate. Two years later, he was voted into Congress. |
| Vision for America | Aligning himself with values of politicians from generations past, Kucinich articulates a vision for America rooted in the challenge of fulfilling "Lincoln's prayer to create ' . . .a government of the people, by the people, for the people'" instead of accepting a 'government of the corporations, by the corporations, for the corporations.'" (p. 25) To this end, Kucinich extensively outlines how the Democratic party "must become the party of regulation, of public control, of public accountability, of public power, not only energy, but also in health." (p. 27) |
| Corporate Responsibility | Referring to Enron as a prime example of why corporations need more oversight than annual shareholder meetings and securities regulators provide, Kucinich lays out the rationale for drafting a Federal Corporate Charter. Such an agreement would compel corporations to take responsibility for workers rights, human rights and environmental concerns alongside profit margins. In addition, he recommends legislation be enacted to "insure the right to organize by establishing an automatic union once half the workers sign up." (p. 99) |
| Infrastructure Renewal | Harkening back to the reforms of the New Deal initiated by FDR in the 1930s, Kucinich envisions a revitalization of America spawned by substantial investment in basic infrastructure redevelopment. Calling for a new federal bank to be created to provide 30-year interest-free loans, totaling $500 billion, to towns and cities across America, Kucinich foresees not only full employment, but also a citizenry buoyed by new schools and playgrounds, hospitals and bridges, sewers and water systems. Speaking to the Democratic National Convention in 2003, Kucinich directly addressed detractors who doubted his investment vision: "A trillion dollars for war in Iraq, but no money for the needs of our people. We are told we have money to blow up cities in Iraq. But no money to rebuild cities in America." (p.134) |
| Healthcare Reform | By extending the benefits currently offered to seniors over the age of 65, Kucinich envisions a universal, single-payer healthcare system similar to the Canadian model where all citizens and naturalized residents have access to medical care. Kucinich suggests that ordinary Americans will gain from removing the bureaucratic framework of HMOs and related administrative bodies because "a market-based approach to health care benefits no one except the insurance companies."(p. 27) |
| Drug Price Caps | As the pharmaceutical industry is the most profitable corporate sector in the country, even outstripping the profits accrued by the nation's banks, Kucinich proposes a cap on pharmaceutical pricing. Once again using the Canadian model as an example to emulate, he emphasizes that beyond financial considerations, providing affordable drugs to the sick is a must for any affluent country as "healthcare is a matter of human dignity."(p. 123) |
| Abortion | An advocate of a woman's right to choose and a supporter of Roe v. Wade, Kucinich nonetheless asserts that he doesn't "believe in abortion." (p. 127) He does advocate for more social program funding geared to reduce the need for abortions. Specifically, he refers to expanding prenatal and maternal support programs, instructive initiatives on child nutrition, sex education and family-planning. |
| Social Reform | To build a stronger America, Kucinich believes it is not enough to develop social justice and economic justice programs — a new mindset is also required. As such, he proposes the formation of a governmental body — the Department of Peace — that would reorient the focus of societal order to the promotion of peaceful interaction. Targeting a wide array of social problems from spousal abuse, to gang violence and hate crimes, the purpose of this department would be domestic in focus but international in reach. "The whole world is watching [America]," he told a New York crowd in 2003, "a fist or an open hand." (p. 140) |
| Military Force | Building upon the intent of the proposed Department of Peace, Kucinich calls for the U.S. to develop an international convention on chemical and biological weapons and to sign the anti-ballistic missile treaty. Condemning U.S. policies on nuclear weapons engagement and testing, he also criticizes programs geared to establish weapons in space. |
| International Cooperation | Using American clout in organizations such as the IMF and World Bank, Kucinich aspires for the US to be a broker of humanitarian influence. He calls for the end of 'structural adjustment policies' that negatively impact the most vulnerable. For example, he suggests that the U.S. should ensure water resources in the developing world are not privatized because poverty should not preclude access to clean water. "Water is a precondition for life," he told a Vancouver conference on water resources in 2002, "therefore it is a basic human right." (p. 116) Kucinich also lobbies for the U.S. to approve the Kyoto Accord and lead other nations on environmental preservation. |
| In Conclusion | In many ways, A Prayer for America is a eulogy for an unfulfilled 'American dream,' one that left behind the ordinary workers of America, in favor of a promised globalized golden era. Yet it is also a celebration of a glorious history of American values, the spirit of which Kucinich wishes to recapture, through demonstrating to his fellow citizens "that implicit in the union of our country is the union of all people." (p. 12) Although Kucinich amply articulates his vision for a better nation throughout his many speeches, his prayer is perhaps best summarized by the words of Robert LaFolette, the 1924 independent Presidential candidate: "America is not made, it's in the making." (p. 45) |