Regime Change — page 2

The sentiment in Puchong is a barometer of what Malaysia has achieved under Mahathir. The town retains one habit from the old days: the pasar malam, or night market, where row upon row of stalls are set up under neon lights each evening for hawkers to sell anything from grilled-to-order satay to traditional herbal remedies to a pair of Levi's jeans. In a large, brightly lit tent at one corner of the market, they can also plunk down a $25 deposit and reserve a brand new car. "I already have a Wira," says Ibni Hajar Itam, referring to a popular model of the national car built by the country's main automaker, Proton. "Now I'd like to buy a smaller car, a Kancil, for my wife." Each of the four models on display is surrounded by prospective buyers inspecting the wheels and peering inside while their children swarm through the cars, banging doors, pressing buttons and switches and generally making the salesmen nervous. Ibni, who was born in the rural town of Batu Pahat and migrated to Kuala Lumpur when he was nine, has spent 17 years at a nearby factory run by the Japanese electronic giant Matsushita. Should he decide to buy the cheapest Kancil on offer, the soft-spoken 33-year-old supervisor will pay only about $95 a month for the seven-year loan period. "One of Mahathir's great achievements is that almost every Malaysian can own a car," Ibni observes with satisfaction.

Indeed, from the cars that Ibni buys at fire-sale prices to his job—Matsushita was one of the first multinationals to take advantage of tax breaks and other incentive offered in the early years of Mahathir's premiership—he gives credit where it is due, to the Prime Minister and his single-minded vision of a developed Malaysia. Few would dispute that Mahathir's decision in the mid-1980s to welcome foreign investment was the chief catalyst in the economy's transformation from the world's biggest rubber and tin producer into a global player in products such as disk drives (it's the world's largest manufacturer), silicon chips and air conditioners. In the process, Malaysia's per-capita income has risen to Asia's fifth highest, trailing only Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and Singapore.

Ibni, and almost any other Malaysian, will also tell you that the country's prosperity is built on, and buttresses, Mahathir's other great triumph: maintaining racial harmony. In Malaysia, where about two-thirds of the population is Malay, a quarter Chinese and the rest of Indian descent, memories of the 1969 racial riots that left hundreds dead are fading. But the riots remain a pivotal event in the country's history, and the job of preventing a recurrence—in large measure by raising the economic status of the Malays, who have long lagged their Chinese compatriots in commercial matters, and so reducing resentment—has been Mahathir's central preoccupation while in office.

Although they are happy to credit Mahathir for Malaysia's economic successes, many Malaysians have grave doubts about other aspects of his legacy. Mahathir "excelled in the physical development of the country, creating jobs, building highways," Ibni says. "But I still feel angry at how Anwar was treated. We are Malays, and we don't assault and jail our leaders."

Anwar. A name Mahathir would probably be happy never to hear again, particularly during the valedictory paeans filling his last weeks in office. In Kuala Lumpur's corridors of power, Anwar Ibrahim's name is hardly ever mentioned these days. But talk to any ordinary Malaysian about Mahathir—particularly a Malay—and the name soon crops up. Anwar was Deputy Prime Minister and heir apparent until he challenged Mahathir politically. Fired from the government and expelled from the party in September 1998, Anwar launched a campaign of street demonstrations calling for the reform of what he claimed was a corrupt, crony-ridden establishment presided over by Mahathir. Within weeks he was jailed, beaten in prison by the chief of police (who was later jailed for his actions) and then convicted of sodomy and corruption. The fairness of his trials was questioned by a broad range of voices in and out of Malaysia, including the U.S. State Department. Today, Anwar, 56, still has nine years of his 15-year sentence to serve.

For many of Mahathir's critics, the Anwar affair was simply the most extreme example of what is both Mahathir's greatest strength and biggest weakness—his implacable will. Longtime opposition politician Lim Kit Siang says Mahathir's burning sense of mission means that the Prime Minister has no compunction about sweeping aside anything standing in his way. Lim should know: he himself spent two years in prison under tough internal-security laws that allow detention without trial. This dark side of Mahathir has systematically "destroyed and undermined Malaysia's democratic institutions," Lim says, echoing a lament voiced by oppositionists and activists throughout the country. "Although he is capable of great good," Lim adds, "he is also capable of great evil because of his single-mindedness, especially when there are also no checks and balances."

Hishamuddin Rais knows all about a lack of checks and balances. The 50-something journalist, activist and filmmaker was helping to organize "Free Anwar" rallies in April 2001 when he was arrested along with six other opposition politicians. Malaysia's chief of police explained at the time that the demonstrations would threaten the country's security and mentioned that some of the planners had at one time attempted to buy arms, such as rocket launchers, for use against the police.

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