A Kingdom in Chaos — page 2

That's a race Nepal's fractious leadership may not be able to win. A standoff now exists between the palace and the country's gelded political parties. Noting that the nation has had 12 governments in as many years, Gyanendra says he will relinquish power and reinstate Parliament only if the parties unite to pull Nepal back from the abyss. The outraged parties accuse him of trying to return to the days when his family ran the country as feudal autocrats and living Hindu gods, before democracy's arrival in 1990.

Compelled by a sense that Nepal may no longer be able to save itself, the U.S., Britain and India have begun re-equipping and training the Nepalese army, despite its brutality. U.S. embassy sources say Washington is supplying Nepal with 20,000 M-16s, as well as night-vision and communication equipment and special-forces counterinsurgency training. Michael E. Malinowski, American ambassador to Nepal, explains, "We have a foreign policy that people who use terrorism should not succeed. But we also have concerns about the failed-state idea and the danger that all kinds of bad guys could use Nepal as a base, like in Afghanistan." Indeed, in April 2003 the Maoists released a manifesto expressly welcoming "citizens of any foreign nation who were compelled to leave [their home countries] due to their involvement in revolutionary activities." Likewise, New Delhi's concerns about Nepal have intensified since it emerged that the Maoists were trying to coordinate with India's own left-wing guerrillas, intent on creating a "revolutionary zone" combining Nepal, eastern India and parts of Bangladesh.

A senior Nepalese officer says India is supplying 52,000 assault rifles to Nepal's army to help it restore order.

Emboldened by its new equipment and international support, the Nepalese army claims to be winning the fight. Since the Maoists called off a seven-month cease-fire on Aug. 27, the military says 1,400 rebels have been killed while only 288 soldiers and policemen have lost their lives. U.S. observers say these numbers might be overstated. As for Gyanendra, he knows that the Maoist threat must also be countered through government solidarity. Ultimately, this will require him to reach out to the country's parties, despite their opposition to him. "The future of Nepal, yes, lies in constitutional monarchy and multiparty democracy," he says. But he refuses to leave governance solely to them. "The days of royalty being seen and not heard are over," he says. "And the monarchy is not going to allow anyone to usurp the fundamental rights of the people. All I'm saying is stop saying 'me.' Say 'us.' Stop saying 'party.' Say 'people.'"

A Western diplomat says he believes Gyanendra is sincere and that he shares the King's despair at the way the parties fight among themselves while the country implodes. However, the King's political opponents question his true motives. "He's an ambitious man," says sacked Prime Minister Deuba. "He just wants power."

Sitting by an ornate marble fireplace in his palace, Gyanendra lights another cigarette and acknowledges that his ascent to the throne because of the palace massacre was bound to spark questions among conspiracy theorists. The Maoists have even suggested that he engineered the bloodshed himself. Such claims "are nonsense, a wild-goose chase. And the people putting them out there are being cruel," says Gyanendra. "If some people do not understand me, if there is mistrust and a crisis of confidence, let's do something about it." His decision to grant an interview to TIME, his first ever with the foreign media, is part of his attempt to foster understanding, palace officials say, though Gyanendra admits that he has reservations about the need to be known and demystified. "There is a human face to every King," he says, "but that does not mean he has to flaunt it." Asked about his sense of isolation, he grows defensive. "What makes you think I don't have friends?" he asks. But one such friend, Prabhakar Shunshere Rana, says that, for a King, relatives are the only true confidants. "You can have friends, advisers, all the experts you want," says Rana. "But without family, without brothers and sisters, monarchy is a very lonely place. The late King used to consult with Gyanendra all the time. If you look at Gyanendra now, he's really on his own."

Gyanendra says he still dreams of a time when "all of Nepal should have the opportunity to progress irrespective of color, caste and creed." He adds, "If the people are happy, the King is happy." It is a noble sentiment. But as Gyanendra has discovered, there are limits to the power, even of a living god.

With reporting by Yubaraj Ghimire/Kathmandu

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	Living On the Brink [September 10, 2003] As Maoist rebels spread fear and violence across Nepal, the establishment in the once booming capital watches its world fall apart "The Military Solution is Next" [September 10, 2003] Interview with Nepal Prime Minister Suryabahadur Thapa Return to Year Zero [May 10, 2002] Nepal's Maoist rebels are murdering, beating, bombing and lootingÑall in the name of 'protecting the people' What Really Happened That Night? [June 11, 2001] The murder of Nepal's royals has the whole country demanding concrete, credible answers and some proof—to get a sense of national closure More Related Items | Search all issues of TIME Magazine