Where's the Old Magic?
How the Atlantic allies can rekindle a once-powerful friendship

George W. Bush arrived in Europe in late May to commemorate the glorious victory over fascism that began with D-day, but let's face it: this doesn't feel like a time for celebration. The 60th anniversary of the Atlantic alliance's greatest triumph comes at the lowest point in its history. The contrasts are striking between the righteous, successful American-led invasion and occupation of Europe in 1944 and the divisive, troubled American-led invasion and occupation of Iraq.

When Bush and British Prime Minister Tony Blair gathered in Normandy with the leaders of Canada, France, Germany, Russia and 10 other countries, all praised the achievements of history's most durable alliance. But Iraq was never far from their minds. Bush and Blair saw Iraq as a key battle in the defining struggle of our times—the war on terrorism—but failed to persuade most of their principal allies or the European public. And as most Europeans see it now, the failure to find weapons of mass destruction and the chaos in Iraq have only confirmed the wisdom of their opposition to the war. Bush does not accept a single element of this critique. Yet his administration, which originally disdained help from countries that doubted him, now would welcome their soldiers and money.

But help is not on the way. France and Germany have made it clear that they won't send troops, and German Chancellor Gerhard Schršder says he has "doubts" about whether any nato forces should go. Britain is reluctant to send more soldiers. If leaders want to begin healing the alliance, here are a few things they should try:

Get Past the Anger
Iraq isn't the only problem issue; differences have been building since the collapse of the Soviet Union removed the focus of a common threat. And since Bush became President, divergent views on global warming, deference to international law, the "axis of evil" and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have widened the gulf. With its huge military power, can-do tradition and tremendous determination to hunt down terrorists since Sept. 11, the U.S. has a different strategic outlook from the European Union, which spends around half of what the U.S. does on defense and wants the U.N. to have a bigger role in responding to the world's dangers. Adds Pierre Hassner of the Center for International Studies in Paris: "The idea seems to be broadening in Europe that everything is the fault of America. I'm very afraid of the damage done when the ugly American becomes once again such a convenient excuse."

Remember the Real Enemies
The good news is that the allies can at least agree on a common threat, the most important glue in any alliance: an Iraq that descends further into anarchy and instability. But French officials fear that unless the security presence is recast to shed its occupation image, any foreign troops will be resisted. But if—a big if—the coalition can manage to restore stability, the Europeans may then be prepared to help. The Europeans want America to hand real power to the Iraqis; the U.S. fears that doing so too fast could cause Iraq's interim government to break into competing power centers and fall apart. So agreeing to disagree over Iraq may be the best that can be achieved for now.

—from TIME, May 31, 2004

Questions

1. What issues have widened the gulf between the U.S. and the European Union?

2. On what common threat do the allies agree?