Clinton's Statement on the Attack
Text of President Clinton's statement on military strikes launched
against Iraq Wednesday, as transcribed by Federal Document Clearing House:
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Good evening.
Earlier today, I ordered America's armed forces to strike military
and security targets in Iraq. They are joined by British forces. Their
mission is to attack Iraq's nuclear, chemical and biological weapons
programs and its military capacity to threaten its neighbors.
Their purpose is to protect the national interest of the United
States, and indeed the interests of people throughout the Middle East and
around the world.
Saddam Hussein must not be allowed to threaten his neighbors or the
world with nuclear arms, poison gas or biological weapons.
I want to explain why I have decided, with the unanimous
recommendation of my national security team, to use force in Iraq; why we
have acted now; and what we aim to accomplish.
Six weeks ago, Saddam Hussein announced that he would no longer
cooperate with the United Nations weapons inspectors called UNSCOM. They
are highly professional experts from dozens of countries. Their job is to
oversee the elimination of Iraq's capability to retain, create and use
weapons of mass destruction, and to verify that Iraq does not attempt to
rebuild that capability.
The inspectors undertook this mission first 7 1/2 years ago at the
end of the Gulf War when Iraq agreed to declare and destroy its arsenal as
a condition of the ceasefire.
The international community had good reason to set this
requirement. Other countries possess weapons of mass destruction and
ballistic missiles. With Saddam, there is one big difference: He has used
them. Not once, but repeatedly. Unleashing chemical weapons against Iranian
troops during a decade-long war. Not only against soldiers, but against
civilians, firing Scud missiles at the citizens of Israel, Saudi Arabia,
Bahrain and Iran. And not only against a foreign enemy, but even against
his own people, gassing Kurdish civilians in Northern Iraq.
The international community had little doubt then, and I have no
doubt today, that left unchecked, Saddam Hussein will use these terrible
weapons again.
The United States has patiently worked to preserve UNSCOM as Iraq
has sought to avoid its obligation to cooperate with the inspectors. On
occasion, we've had to threaten military force, and Saddam has backed down.
Faced with Saddam's latest act of defiance in late October, we
built intensive diplomatic pressure on Iraq backed by overwhelming military
force in the region. The UN Security Council voted 15 to zero to condemn
Saddam's actions and to demand that he immediately come into compliance.
Eight Arab nations - Egypt, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain,
Qatar, United Arab Emirates and Oman - warned that Iraq alone would bear
responsibility for the consequences of defying the UN.
When Saddam still failed to comply, we prepared to act militarily.
It was only then at the last possible moment that Iraq backed down. It
pledged to the UN that it had made, and I quote, a clear and unconditional
decision to resume cooperation with the weapons inspectors.
I decided then to call off the attack with our airplanes already in
the air because Saddam had given in to our demands. I concluded then that
the right thing to do was to use restraint and give Saddam one last chance
to prove his willingness to cooperate.
I made it very clear at that time what unconditional cooperation
meant, based on existing UN resolutions and Iraq's own commitments. And
along with Prime Minister Blair of Great Britain, I made it equally clear
that if Saddam failed to cooperate fully, we would be prepared to act
without delay, diplomacy or warning.
Now over the past three weeks, the UN weapons inspectors have
carried out their plan for testing Iraq's cooperation. The testing period
ended this weekend, and last night, UNSCOM's chairman, Richard Butler,
reported the results to UN Secretary-General Annan.
The conclusions are stark, sobering and profoundly disturbing.
In four out of the five categories set forth, Iraq has failed to
cooperate. Indeed, it actually has placed new restrictions on the
inspectors. Here are some of the particulars.
Iraq repeatedly blocked UNSCOM from inspecting suspect sites. For
example, it shut off access to the headquarters of its ruling party and
said it will deny access to the party's other offices, even though UN
resolutions make no exception for them and UNSCOM has inspected them in the
past.
Iraq repeatedly restricted UNSCOM's ability to obtain necessary
evidence. For example, Iraq obstructed UNSCOM's effort to photograph bombs
related to its chemical weapons program.
It tried to stop an UNSCOM biological weapons team from videotaping
a site and photocopying documents and prevented Iraqi personnel from
answering UNSCOM's questions.
Prior to the inspection of another site, Iraq actually emptied out
the building, removing not just documents but even the furniture and the
equipment.
Iraq has failed to turn over virtually all the documents requested
by the inspectors. Indeed, we know that Iraq ordered the destruction of
weapons-related documents in anticipation of an UNSCOM inspection.
So Iraq has abused its final chance.
As the UNSCOM reports concludes, and again I quote, "Iraq's conduct
ensured that no progress was able to be made in the fields of disarmament.
"In light of this experience, and in the absence of full
cooperation by Iraq, it must regrettably be recorded again that the
commission is not able to conduct the work mandated to it by the Security
Council with respect to Iraq's prohibited weapons program."
In short, the inspectors are saying that even if they could stay in
Iraq, their work would be a sham.
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