ILLUSTRATION FOR TIME BY DANIEL ADEL
Inside The Debate Strategies
In a close race, Bush and Kerry know the little things can matter
most. A guide for those scoring at home
By
KAREN TUMULTY AND JOHN F. DICKERSON | WASHINGTON
Past Debates: The Turning Points

Sunday, Sep. 26, 2004
When a race for President gets this close, no detail is too small to
leave to chance. Which is how it happened that a man who once oversaw
Middle East peacemaking found himself haggling last week with one of
Washington's most storied power players over the matter of ...
colored lights. The proposal: to allow the millions of Americans
watching this Thursday's first presidential debate to see the warning
signal whenever George Bush or John Kerry has exceeded his allotted
time to answer a question. It was a transparent gambit by the
President's representative, former Secretary of State James Baker, to
raise the famously windy challenger's chances for embarrassment.
"Undignified," sniffed a Kerry strategist. "It's like a game show."
But Kerry's negotiator, lawyer Vernon Jordan, gave injust as he had
to Baker's earlier demand that the lecterns be an unimposing 50 in.
tall and that they be placed fully 10 ft. apart, making it less
likely that the 5-ft. 11-in. Bush will look miniaturized in
comparison with the 6-ft. 4-in. Kerry. After Jordan and Baker finally
came to an agreement at New York City's Waldorf-Astoria Hotel,
putting their heads together over a laptop to approve the official
announcement, they headed for the bar.
That both men were in a celebratory mood might reflect the fact that
each camp came away convinced it had snookered the other. Their
32-page "memorandum of understanding," which may still be revisited
because of objections by the commission that sponsors the debates,
stipulated everything from equivalent-size dressing rooms to a
preapproval process for the pens or pencils Bush and Kerry will use
to take notes. The Bush camp, knowing television viewership falls off
after the first debate, made sure this week's matchup would focus on
foreign policy, which they feel is the President's strong suit. Team
Bush has studied old videotapes of Kerry's 1996 Massachusetts Senate
re-election campaign debates to the point where advisers like Karl
Rove can recite portions from memory. As a result, Bush's negotiators
insisted on banning nearly all the stagecraft Kerry had used to
devastating effect against his G.O.P. opponent, Governor William
Weld, such as roaming from the lectern and asking direct questions.
What Kerry's camp got were three debates rather than the two that
Bush's campaign initially said it wanted. Getting three contests "was
much more important to us than any detail of the format," says Kerry
campaign manager Mary Beth Cahill. A challenger always wants as many
chances to stand on the same stage as the sitting President and take
some shots, and Kerry thinks the debates are a place where he can
shine.
For months, the candidates have fired off stump-speech gibes,
ridiculed each other through surrogates and watched independent
political groups hijack the race with attacks the campaigns
themselves wouldn't make. But all that was shadowboxing compared with
what will happen over 90 min. Thursday night at the University of
Miami in Coral Gables, Fla., when the two men will come within
handshaking distance for the first time in the race. According to the
plan, a second debate next week, in St. Louis, Mo., will feature
questions from an audience of voters with loose allegiances to the
candidates. The third contest, on Oct. 13 in Tempe, Ariz., will focus
on domestic issues.
The stakes could hardly be higher, with the debates starting at a
moment when the race has once again tightened. A TIME poll conducted
last week shows President Bush's advantage shrinking to 6 points from
the 11-point lead he enjoyed a week after the Republican Convention.
What's more, with better than 1 in 3 voters saying they plan to watch
all the debates and an additional 49% saying they will watch at least
some, the matches may be the test of whether Bush and Kerry will
overcome, or confirm, the doubts each has tried to sow about the
other in the minds of voters. According to the poll, of the 19% of
voters who claim they are undecided or could still change their
minds, 69% say the debates may be what clinches it for them.
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