The Electoral College Explained
How the vote works, how some post-election scenarios could play out and why, for all its flaws, this is still a good system
By
KRISTINA DELL

Monday, Nov. 01, 2004
Winston Churchill was fond of using the old saw that "democracy is the worst
form of government except for everything else." Many would
say the same for
the Electoral College. Get ready for its quirks and foibles to dominate the
airwaves Tuesday if the election stays as close as the polls indicate.
Here's a
look at how it works, whom it favors and how it could influence the
presidential
outcome:
ORIGINS AND HOW IT WORKS
When you head to the booth this Tuesday, you won't actually be pulling the lever
for
John Kerry or George Bush. Rather, you will be casting a ballot for a slate of
electors
pledged to a particular candidate, who are then supposed to vote
for the person you want to be president. The number of electors in each
state is
equal to the number of senators (two per state) plus the number of U.S.
representatives, which varies according to the state's population as
determined
by the Census count every ten years. Presently, the Electoral College has
538
electors 535 for the total number of senators and representatives plus three
for
Washington, D.C. Today, a candidate must receive 270 electoral votes to win.
The electors will meet in their respective state capitals to cast their
votes
for president and vice president on the Monday following the second
Wednesday in
December; it’s as if the founders foresaw the need for recount time. The
votes
are sealed and sent to the president of the Senate, who opens and reads them
before Congress on January 6th.
The reason we arrived at this system: Our founding fathers were all about
compromise when they were choosing a mechanism for picking the president.
One
early idea was to have the Congress or the Senate decide, but that plan was
nixed because it was felt that arrangement would have upset the government’s
balance of power and fostered corruption.
The founders feared a direct, winner-take-all election would be too
reckless.
Since travel and communication around the country was slow, they worried
that
citizens wouldn’t get sufficient information about candidates outside their
state and would usually just pick someone from their region. With a direct
popular vote, it is more likely that no candidate would receive a majority
sufficient to govern a whole country, making challenges more frequent. Even
if
there was a clear winner, the selection of the president would often be
decided
by the biggest, most populous state with little attention paid to smaller
ones.
The Electoral College seemed like a better way to ensure the president had a
wide geographic mandate.
SELECTING ELECTORS
State legislatures decide the manner by which electors are chosen, and not
surprisingly, different states have adopted different methods. The two most
common ways: either the elector is nominated by his or her state party
committee
(usually as a reward for years of stumping for the party) or the elector
“campaigns” for the spot and a vote at the party’s convention decides the
winners.
Electors tend to fly under the radar, perhaps because parties
usually
don’t pick people like Rush Limbaugh or Michael Moore to cast their ballots. Most people, unless they are closely involved with their state party, don't even know who their electors are. Those chosen to be electors tend to be highly engaged in
their
party or in politics, such as activists, state elected officials or even
people
who have personal ties to a candidate. Surprisingly, the Constitution
stipulates
very few qualifications. It speaks more to what electors can’t be rather
than
who they should be. The following cannot be an elector: 1) a Representative
or
Senator 2) a high-ranking official in a position of “trust or profit” 3)
someone
who has “engaged in insurrection or rebellion” against the U.S.
This past Thursday, one of Kerry’s Ohio electors, Representative Sherrod
Brown,
resigned because he is a congressman and thus constitutionally ineligible.
The
Kerry camp can replace him before November 2nd.
THE FAITHLESS ELECTOR
Since there is no federal law that requires electors
to
vote how they pledged they would, there have been a few instances where
electors
have not supported their party’s candidate or the state’s popular vote. In
the
past, electors have done this to make a statement when the election wasn’t
close
and their vote wouldn’t matter. But a faithless elector on Tuesday could
wreak
havoc around the country if there is a near tie in the Electoral College.
Already one of West Virginia’s five Republican electors, South Charleston
Mayor
Richie Robb, said that he might not vote for Bush if the President wins West
Virginia (but he said it is unlikely he would support Kerry.)
Several states have responded to faithless electors by passing laws that
make
electors vote as they pledged. Some states have gone even farther by
slapping
them with misdemeanors or fines. North Carolina, for example, levies a
$10,000
fine on an elector who forgoes his or her pledge. However, most scholars
believe
these state-level laws don’t hold much water and would not withstand a
constitutional challenge.
WINNER-TAKES-ALL VS. DISTRICT SYSTEM
Forty-eight states have the standard “winner-takes-all” electoral system:
whichever presidential ticket amasses the most popular votes in a state wins
all
the electors of that state. Maine and Nebraska are the two exceptions. In
these
states, two electoral votes follow the winner takes all system and the rest
(two
for Maine, three for Nebraska) follow the “district system,” a popular vote
within each congressional district. While neither Maine nor Nebraska has
ever
split its electoral votes, this election could be a first. Currently, Kerry
holds a slight lead in Maine, but if Bush wins in the 2nd District, the
President would get one of the state’s four electoral votes.
Another wild card is Colorado’s Amendment 36, which would take effect
immediately if it passes on Tuesday. This initiative would split up
Colorado’s
electoral votes based on the percentage of votes each candidate wins in the
state. Since Colorado is currently too close to call, Amendment 36 would
most
likely result in five electoral votes for the winner and four for the loser,
potentially changing the outcome of the presidency and ensuring even more
lawsuits than we saw in 2000.
AN ELECTORAL COLLEGE TIE: PARSING THE 12th AMENDMENT
It’s feasible that we will have a repeat of 2000, with one candidate
winning the popular vote, yet losing the election. Not ideal, sure, but at
least
we’d have a president. Even more divisive would be an electoral tie, a real
possibility since polls in 11 swing states are too close to call. Assuming
the
other states vote as predicted, the Washington Post’s computer analysis
finds 33
combinations under which the swing states could line up to produce a 269 to
269
tie.
Under the 12th Amendment, if one candidate does not win the necessary 270
electoral votes to become president, the decision goes to the House, where
each
state has one vote. The House vote is by state delegations, not simple
majority,
and the winner must get the vote of 26 state delegations. Assuming the
states
follow party lines, there are currently 30 Republican delegations, 16
Democratic
delegations (including Bernie Sanders of Vermont, who is independent but
liberal) and 4 deadlocked delegations. This formula basically guarantees
Bush a
Victory no need to call in the Supreme Court.
PROS AND CONS
Opponents of the Electoral College point to Bush as a reason to
get
rid of the current system he’s president even though he lost the popular
vote.
Since the distribution of electoral votes tends to over-represent people in
rural states, opponents argue that the system fails to accurately reflect
the
popular will. This over-representation occurs because a state’s electors are
based upon the number of representatives it has in the House (determined by
population) plus the number of representatives it has in the Senate (two, no
matter the state’s population, giving more weight to small states.) Some
argue
that the winner-take-all mechanism in 48 states discourages independent or
third
party candidates from running because it would be difficult for them to get
many
electoral votes.
Proponents of the Electoral College system like the fact that a president
must
have a wide geographic distribution of support to win, believing this
contributes to the cohesiveness of the country. They think the College helps
minority interests because their votes could make a difference in the state,
whereas the national popular majority would probably dilute them in a direct
election. Some like that the Electoral College encourages a two-party
system,
because it forces candidates to move to the center of public opinion to get
elected. In a direct election dozens of political parties, many with
extreme,
fringe ideas, would be encouraged to crop up to prevent a candidate from
winning
a popular majority. One of these parties could win the run-off and we would
have
more radical changes in policies from one administration to the next.
After the 2000 election, there was a lot of talk about doing away with this
system, but it's unlikely this will happen anytime soon. To do so, we would
need
an amendment to the Constitution, which requires a two-thirds vote from
Congress
and then ratification by three-fourths of the states for it to become law.
Small, rural states probably wouldn't support any such amendment because it
would
give them less of a voice.
In the end, the system works pretty well. For the past two hundred years,
the
Electoral College has picked a
president, most of the time without incident. While not without its faults,
the
College has withstood the test of time, allowing peaceful elections to
continue
through tumultuous world wars, the civil rights struggle and
economic depressions. It’s a testament to the founding fathers' foresight
that this ancient system of compromise continues to thrive.
BACK TO TOP
|