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The Runaway Bride
TIME investigates forced marriage and the torn feelings that it engenders. |
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The Scars of Tradition
Female circumcision is a tradition that many imigrants have not left behind. |
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One Faith Divided
Tradition versus progress. French Muslims cannot agree on the way forward. |
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A Vote of Faith
Can Belgian Muslims find a mainstream political party that accommodates their religious beliefs?
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Heir Apparent
Jean-Marie Le Pen promotes his daughter Marine for the highest office in
his party . |
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No
Entry
Europe cracks down on immigration
[6/24/2002] |
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Right Time
Le Pen may be blocked this time but can the French left deliver
[5/6/2002] |
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Islam In Europe
Young Muslims reconcile religion and modern european lifestyles.
[12/24/2001] |
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Noor's new home was a four-bedroom house on the outskirts
of Amsterdam, where Munir lived with his family. On Noor's
third morning there, her father-in-law asked her to prepare
a meal. Noor, showing a glimpse of her old self, told him
that she couldn't cook and that he should ask his own daughter
to do it. Except for a single conversation with an aunt, Noor
was not allowed phone calls. "After five days, I was
so depressed, I felt like killing myself," she says.
Munir's advances became more determined, and Noor was exhausted
from lack of sleep.
After Noor had been there for about a week, she was home
one afternoon in a nearly empty house when her sister Aziza
called. "I'd tried to ring and they'd told me that she
was out, even though I heard her shouting that she was there,"
Aziza recalls. They spoke for a few moments until Noor's father-in-law
forced her to put the phone down. "I didn't want to get
married, and I'm going to run away," Noor told him. The
family decided to consult with Ali by phone. He threatened
to get on the first flight to the Netherlands and kill her.
According to Noor, her father-in-law told Ali that he and
his family would support whatever course of action Ali took.
Noor sat and waited for what seemed like hours, pleading
with her father-in-law and expecting her brother to burst
through the door. A knock finally came, but it was the Dutch
police. "I was so happy, so relieved, I just stood there.
I wouldn't even move to go with them," she says. The
police told her to gather her things.
Aziza had overheard Ali's end of the conversation in Bradford.
Although she had never discussed it with Noor, she too had
been forced into marriage several years before during a trip
to Pakistan. "I didn't know how unhappy she was; we never
talked about it," Noor explains when asked why, given
her sister's experience, her own marriage came as such a shock.
"I didn't talk about it with anyone," says Aziza,
who returned to the U.K. without her husband. But she resolved
to rescue her sister. "I'm going to get you out of there,
don't worry," she told Noor during their brief exchange.
Aziza eventually got in touch with Balmforth, the West Yorkshire
community officer for forced marriages, who in turn contacted
the Foreign Office.
The law is a woefully blunt instrument when it comes to domestic
violence of all kinds. Some have suggested tweaking immigration
laws to reduce forced marriages. Legislation introduced by
Denmark's right-leaning government last May raised to 24 the
minimum age at which a spouse can sponsor a partner for immigration.
But that kind of broad-brush approach only undermines basic
civil liberties, says Siddiqui of Southall Black Sisters.
After the fact, police can invoke a range of laws to extract
women from forced marriages. (Forcing someone into marriage
is not a crime in the UK, but since the cases often involve
underage brides and violence, related charges like child abduction,
assault or unlawful imprisonment can be applied.) But after
marriage, most women or girls are too ensnared to seek help.
Balmforth, who has worked on more than 2,500 forced-marriage
cases, is empowered to act only when a specific request has
been made. And he still sometimes encounters cultural landmines:
"People do say that [because I'm not Asian] I just don't
understand. I tell them there's nothing in the Koran that
says forced marriage is allowed."
Prevention would be far better, of course. And there are
the first sputtering efforts of such a campaign. The Community
Liaison Unit of the Foreign Office deals with some 200 forced-marriage
cases a year, many of which involve the repatriation of a
UK national who has been taken abroad against her will.
Tying the Knot?, an educational video produced by the unit,
has been screened at dozens of schools. "Marriage is
your choice," the voice-over intones, adding that "If
you find that you are being forced into marriage, you can
get help." Teachers can potentially learn to spot signs
that girls are being forced into marriage, says Fawzia Samad
of the Community Liaison Unit. A sudden loss of interest in
schoolwork, for example, can be telling. Why bother to study
if you know your school days are about to end?
Efforts to help women escape forced marriages still suffer
from a lack of organization and funding. In June, the Foreign
Office will sponsor a conference on forced marriage with representatives
from eight European countries, Turkey, the U.S and Canada.
But any action governments take is susceptible to accusations
of cultural bullying. It is perilously easy for white Western
Europeans to reflexively judge all arranged marriages
forced and voluntary as wrong. Last year, UK Home
Secretary David Blunkett clumsily suggested that, in the interest
of integration, British Asians should try to find partners
in Britain rather than entering into arranged marriages with
spouses from abroad. Several Asian community leaders were
outraged. Others, like Manzoor Moghal of the the Muslim Council
of Britain, who defends arranged marriages that "happen
with the free will of the young people," conceded that
Blunkett had a point.
In reality, as is so often the case for children of immigrants,
life usually becomes a series of compromises made day
by day, individuals sacrificing more or less autonomy in order
to stay connected to their families and maintain a slippery
sense of cultural identity. The choices can be diabolical.
After spending her first night of freedom at a police station
in Amsterdam, Noor flew back to the UK She was initially
housed in a women's shelter near London. She soon left to
stay at a friend's flat in Bradford but, unable to contribute
enough to the rent, moved to a hostel for battered and homeless
women after a few months. Bradford is small enough that Noor
often runs into people she knows and sees family members from
afar. But for an 18-year-old without a diploma or a salary,
it is hard for her to imagine how to create a life anywhere
else. She is trying to get a job, but has had little luck.
Her only source of funds is a fortnightly allowance of $100
in government aid, a third of which goes to the hostel. A
year ago, she hoped to someday go to university, but she does
not talk of that anymore.
Noor's marriage was never valid under English law, since
the statutory notice was not given to civil authorities and
there was no registry service. But if she chooses someday
to have a Muslim wedding, she would have to have her first
marriage annulled or dissolved by a Shari'a court. And the
rest of the slate is not so easily cleansed. Noor has stayed
in close touch with Aziza, but resisted any real contact with
the rest of her family. Then she heard that her brother Ali
was hospitalized. Despite everything, she rushed to visit
him last week. Groggy with medication, Ali seemed pleased
to see her. So has all been forgiven? "No," says
Noor. "Too much has happened." Though she hopes
relations with her family continue to improve, she knows that
what happened last year means things will never be the same.
And so Noor remains torn between two worlds.
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