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Cashing In
Out With The Old and in With the Euro
[1/14/2002] |
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Posted Sunday, June 15, 2003; 14.29BST
But don't you acknowledge that there is a lack of connection to the European Union? I could ask you if the debate between Hamilton and Madison was so popular in the States. To make an institution popular, you need a political battle, and for that you need power. Even the less than radical changes proposed now will give the European Parliament more power, and therefore it will be more popular. As long as people think the EU is about the size of bananas, it will never become popular. But when you deal with the euro, something for which everyone underestimated the consequences, or big decisions about taxation or foreign policy, then we'll have a sense of belonging. And hey, let's not go too far. Why did 77% of the Poles vote for the European Union!? 57% of them participated in the vote, more than in any recent American presidential election. People use two different yardsticks when they judge the American government and ours. It's not justified.
But the lack of connection isn't just an American judgment; it's a continual undercurrent of opinion among Europeans themselves. But a minority one. Sure, it's hard for the British to abandon a currency they feel a strong attachment to. But you see the British keep the door open to the euro, completely open. They will decide, as Britain always has done, when British interests are on the surface and very clear.
Do you think that the EU would be better off without Britain? No. Europe would be much better off with a more cooperative Britain. In the future Britain will have no alternative. Now the country thinks it has alternatives. But you can't forever have one leg on one side and one on the other side. Over time that becomes an uncomfortable position, and I think Britain's long term interests are in Europe.
Do you think the constitution will help stop the EU being a scapegoat for the national governments? In the last years, there's been an increasing move to ask us to decide on all kinds of things, even pensions. When there's a problem like SARS, we have no competence. But people came here and asked us to coordinate a response. More and more we are changing from a scapegoat to an anchor or a troubleshooter. Both are wrong, but if you have this sentiment, it's proof that you're needed.
Still, you've got France and Germany deciding last week, once again, to get together and stymie reform of the Common Agricultural Policy. I'm against this. We made a very brave proposal on reform of the agricultural policy, opening the door to competition especially from poor countries, without abandoning our farmers. Nobody went with us at first, but step by step we've gained the backing of almost all the European countries, and it would be very unfortunate if there was an agreement to block it, because we've almost done it.
It seems, though, that the political life and passion in Europe still resides on the national level. You're right, Europe is a union of nations and peoples. We will never have a European nation. Language alone will prevent that, even if the institutions change.
You came up with a very simple formula for voting in Europe: if a position is supported by half the countries representing at least half of Europe's population, then it goes through. But this wasn't accepted. I knew it wouldn't be; instead we arrived at half the countries representing 60% of the population. I don't like it, but as we say in Italy, it's better to eat a bone than a stone.
How do you move ahead in Europe if nobody knows how you get your money and you spend 45% of it on agricultural support? We want our own financial sources, a European tax; not an additional one but a small pre-determined amount from national income. Now we have customs revenues and a few other sources. But we don't want to get our money from member states; then they can always say "I want my money back," and if you intimidate, you get the money back. As for the Cap, it was once 80% of our budget, now it's 45%; step by step we're bringing it down.
How are the next six months going to work, with Silvio Berlusconi as president of the Council and you in the Commission? Very simple: I know my duty. I know my obligations. I know my institutional roles, and I follow them. You don't need passion to cooperate, simply to know your duty.
Are you convinced that Mr Berlusconi knows his? I don't know. But I'm confident we'll have good cooperation.
Will you take on a role in the Italian elections next year? I honestly don't know, because in politics more than one year is a long time. Ever since I came here people have been saying Prodi will go back to Italian politics in one month, it was always next month. And I'm still here. The last two years I enjoyed it, because of the euro, enlargement, the reforms. I like this job, but first of all, most of these decisions won't be taken by me, and second, nobody knows what will happen when the first of May next year arrives, the new countries come in and we sign the new treaty.
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Eu'ro'pho'bia [Jun. 9, 2003 ]
n A strong fear, found chiefly among the British, that giving more power to The European Union spells doom
New Europe, Old Economy [Jun. 2, 2003 ]
Poland is America's new best friend. But the country is also in deep distress
The Plan That Fell To Earth [May 5, 2003]
Giscard unfurls a new E.U. blueprint, and the smaller states see red
A Week in Hell [Mar. 24, 2003]
At the precipice of war, facing mutiny at home, Tony Blair stays cool
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