MATT DUNHAM/REUTERS IN MY DEFENSE: Hoon doggedly shifted blame to others

Posted Sunday, August 31, 2003; 13.05BS
Strangely out of synch with the spinmeisters last week was Hoon, the hapless Defence Secretary, who had been tipped as the fall guy even before he had set foot in the inquiry room. From the witness chair, Hoon repeatedly shifted responsibility to underlings in his department and to Downing Street, earning the title Secretary for Self-Defence from the Daily Mail. On the MoD's Q&A list for queries about Kelly, Hoon said his approach was hands-off: "I would not expect to be consulted about that kind of material." And on overruling Kevin Tebbit, the MoD permanent secretary who did not want Kelly to give evidence to a parliamentary committee, Hoon said: "I was certainly aware that the Prime Minister took essentially the same view that I did." By the time he was done listing all the things he did not do and redistributing responsibility, one wondered whether he had any left to head his own Cabinet department. The laconic judgment on one protester's placard: "ain't nothin' but a hoon dog."

Blair's testimony, on the other hand, was a master class. Only the second Prime Minister ever to testify in a judicial inquiry called by his own government — Major was the first, in a 1994 investigation into whether arms were exported illegally to Iraq under Thatcher — Blair glowed with sincerity and a tan acquired on a recent three-week family holiday in Barbados. His performance was polished, reminiscent of his weekly gig at Prime Minister's Questions, but without the Tory-targeted barbs. He accented his testimony with rueful smiles, polite honorifics and hand gestures for emphasis. It was the performance of a man who knew the papers would pick over every word and gesticulation the next day. In contrast to Hoon, Blair twice confirmed that he was ultimately in charge, saying, "Responsibility is mine in the end. I take the decisions as Prime Minister." Sometimes he did share that responsibility. For instance, he noted that the decision to make public Kelly's appearance before a parliamentary committee followed the advice of David Omand, who coordinates intelligence in the Cabinet Office. But he left the session with his reputation if not intact, then at least no more scathed.

The Hutton Inquiry continues this week with what is expected to be emotionally charged testimony from friends and relatives of David Kelly, including his wife Janice. They should be able to paint a clearer picture of just how the vise of political pressure closed on their friend, husband and father during his last days. But barring bombshells during the inquiry's last month of testimony, when Hutton may recall witnesses for further questioning, Blair's appearance last week was the high point of a still unfinished drama — the word from the man at the top.

Blair is also the one with the biggest job to do in the coming months. Like any successful politician, he has a knack for sensing the public mood, and there's no reason to believe it has abandoned him. He remembers the sleaze of the Major era that doomed the Tories and ultimately led to his own rise. He recognizes the opposition he faces within his own party, including ex-minister Glenda Jackson, who told TIME that she frequently calls for his resignation because of "the damage that is being done to the country as much as to the government" and says, "I don't think, whatever transpires at the end of the Hutton Inquiry, that the trust will be easy to rebuild." Blair knows. Having built his government on the foundation of his own credibility, this Prime Minister understood that its undermining would bury not only his Iraq policy but also the rest of his agenda. That includes a potential euro referendum — now on hold, presumably until Blair regains his public standing — and, should he choose to run again, his chances in an election that he'll have to call by 2006.

Can Blair repair the damage? The departure of Campbell will help the PM's image — though Blair may feel he's lost his left arm. Stepping in will be David Hill, a mustachioed former Labour spokesman whose pluses include his dry humor, a spin-free reputation and the fact that he arrives with few enemies. Hill will not wield anything like the power that Campbell did, but will be the senior figure in a restructured Downing Street communications operation that gives an enlarged role to civil servants — a move meant to reflect a clean break with the strategies of the recent past. Earlier this summer, reporters were told that Blair planned to announce "the end of spin" at this month's Labour Party Conference. But announcing the end of spin is, of course, a form of spin. If he's serious, Blair must refocus on domestic policy and make headway on vexing problems like schools, hospitals and transportation. "The best way to establish trust is to do what you've promised," says backbench M.P. and Blair loyalist Barry Gardiner. "Spin is about short-termism."

In his testimony last week, as he recounted the government thinking on Kelly's outing, Blair concluded: "It was better just to be open." The words rang hollow to some of his former supporters. When asked if he could say anything to regain her trust, Diane Monk, a fiftysomething teacher outside the court who was fiercely loyal to the PM until the Iraq war, muttered three words that, repeated often enough and translated into votes, could spell the end of Blair's impressive political career: "It's too late." Downing Street has to hope that most Britons will sooner or later disagree.

Previous | 1 | 2 | 3

	Hutton [September 1, 2003] Our guide to the goings-on. Collateral Damage [July 28, 2003] An expert at the center of the WMD row kills himself, throwing the Blair government into crisis Letter From Washington[July 28, 2003] Move Over, George, Let Tony Do the Talking Striking Back [July 14, 2003] Tony Blair's master of spin comes out of the shadows Blair's Descent [June 30, 2003] For the PM, it's all downhill from here Search all issues of TIME Magazine