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Down By Law
The arrest of Russia's richest man sends markets tumbling and stokes fears that President Putin is moving toward authoritarianism |
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A Small Win for Free Speech
A law designed to muzzle Russia's press has some of its teeth pulled |
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What's the Charge?
Is the case against Mikhail Khodorkovsky based on crime or politics? |
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The Players
Who's who in this Russian family feud. |
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The Portfolio
What difference does Yukos make to Russia? |
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Theater of War The Chechen conflict comes home to Moscow. [Nov. 4, 2002] |
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Russian Democracy
A foreign concept in a land that has known little but autocracy for centuries
[Mar. 27, 2000] |
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E-mail your letter to the editor
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SERGEI GUNEYEV for TIME
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OUT: Voloshin, center, resigned as Putin's Chief of Staff |
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Posted Sunday, November 2, 2003; 13.45GMT
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PHOTOXPRESS/AFP/GETTY IMAGES
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Dmitry Medvedev is Putin's choice to replace Voloshin. |
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Khodorkovsky's current troubles began on Feb. 19. That day, he attended a meeting with Putin and top Russian business executives — and made a very sharp denunciation of official corruption, which he said was costing Russia $30 billion per year. Putin became furious, say Yukos insiders — and accused Khodorkovsky of hypocrisy, given his own dubious past and his decision to begin pumping money into the coffers of anti-Kremlin parties. The repercussions came quickly. Alexei Pichugin, Yukos' senior security executive, was charged in June with a murder. A month later, Khodorkovsky's partner Lebedev was arrested and charged with tax evasion. Soon after, Nevzlin fled Russia after being targeted for investigation. In October it was the turn of Vasily Shakhnovsky, head of the Yukos Moscow subsidiary. He too was charged with tax evasion.
After Lebedev's arrest, Khodorkovsky and Yukos top management started doing some serious contingency planning. "He said there was a good chance he would be next," recalls one company director. The company was confident of its accounts; it has been audited for the past four years by PricewaterhouseCoopers. And it put in place a succession plan that it is now executing. Taking over as chief executive is Steven Theede, 51, an American who used to work for ConocoPhillips and who crossed swords with Yukos before being recruited by Khodorkovsky to join it. Company documents show that Khodorkovsky had already arranged for the voting rights of his shares to be shifted to someone else in the event he was unable to act as a beneficiary. The Financial Times reported that the unnamed person is outside Russia. The prosecutor's office said on Friday that it had unfrozen 2% of the seized Yukos stock after discovering that the shares were held by individuals not related to its inquiry.
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Khodorkovsy was clearly looking to build a major power in the Duma and run for the presidency.
HERMAN PIRCHNER, American Foreign Policy Council |
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Khodorkovsky's first line of defense is to attack the prosecutor's methods. In Washington last month, he described how preliminary hearings for both Pichugin and Lebedev were held in closed session, with the defense lawyers forced to sign gag orders. Moreover, Lebedev's lawyer's offices were searched without a court order, in contravention of Russian law. "We are very worried that the evidence that is going to be presented in the cases will have been fabricated," Khodorkovsky said. That's an argument Yukos lawyers are now planning to take to a broader public. Three of them have already met with members of the U.S. Congress and the executive branch, and they are expected to take their case this week to European Union officials in Brussels and Rome, where Putin will be attending a summit with E.U. leaders. At the very least, says Aslund, "it's dawning on everyone that if the biggest capitalist can be arrested on totally flimsy charges, there's no rule of law."
Is Khodorkovsky's arrest simply a tactical move to confound a potent rival? Or does it signal a new chapter in an old and miserable book? To Anatoly Chubais, chief executive of the utility Unified Energy System, a leader of the Union of Right Forces and architect of Russia's economic reforms under President Yeltsin, the message is clear. The seizure of Yukos stock is "a serious sign that the political course is changing. People are now asking: 'Who's next?'" The answer may be Chubais himself. Last Thursday, agents from the FSB, Russia's security agency, searched the offices of Novosibirskenergo in Novosibirsk, a Siberian subsidiary of Chubais's Unified Energy System firm, as part of an investigation into alleged fraud by company managers. The answer to the question Khodorkovsky posed in his speech at the Carnegie meeting last month — "democracy or authoritarianism?" — may not be long in coming.
With reporting by Massimo Calabresi and Eric Roston/Washington and Yuri Zarakhovich/Moscow
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