Northern Ireland: Summit at Hillsborough Castle

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FitzGerald and Thatcher faced a formidable array of opposition, ranging from the Irish Republican Army and its political wing, Sinn Fein, to many Protestant political leaders and militants in paramilitary organizations like the Ulster Defense Association. Neither government had any illusion that the agreement would have much impact right away. Explained an Irish official: "The real purpose of this exercise is to detach the northern [Catholic] community from the clutches of the I.R.A. We know that won't happen in six weeks. If it happens in a year, it will be a bloody miracle."

The most immediate backlash was expected to come from Ulster's 1 million Protestants, whose political leaders bitterly oppose Anglo-Irish talks. They insist that any role by the Irish Republic in the affairs of the province is an infringement of British sovereignty. As such, they fear that the agreement marks the beginning of a process that will lead inevitably to a united Ireland under Dublin's control. Said Peter Robinson, deputy leader of the Democratic Unionist Party: "We're being cast aside, and there's a deep sense of betrayal."

Provincial leaders were kept guessing about the summit and its controversial compromise until the last minute. The secrecy surrounding the negotiations only heightened the resentment felt by James Molyneaux, the leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, and the Rev. Ian Paisley, the fiery head of the more militant Democratic Unionists. Normally fierce rivals, the two men joined forces to oppose the Anglo-Irish rapprochement. Jointly they protested, first by letter and then by visiting 10 Downing Street to make their case in person. They demanded that Thatcher submit any proposed agreement on Ulster to a referendum in the province, where loyalist Protestants outnumber the Catholic population by about 2 to 1.

They also warned her of a strong reaction if a compromise was imposed without their agreement. Said Paisley: "We left her in no doubt that if we don't have a democratic system, the politicians will be swept aside and other people not interested in politics will take over. Let the ballot speak before the bomb and bullet speak." For the moment, Unionist politicians ruled out disruptive street demonstrations and strikes because they were fearful of causing further damage to the province's already ailing economy, with its 21.8% unemployment rate. But they did schedule a mass rally in Belfast for this weekend, and one extremist faction, the Ulster Freedom Fighters, threatened violence.

The Protestants, of course, are only part of the problem. For the Thatcher-FitzGerald compromise to survive at all, it will need to win the support of Northern Ireland's mainstream Catholic nationalists. If Thatcher must satisfy Protestants that no sellout is under way, she must also convince Catholics that their allegiance to an Irish identity and to Dublin has somehow been recognized and accepted. --By Frederick Painton. Reported by Edmund Curran/Belfast and Christopher Ogden/Hillsborough