The Making of America Theodore Roosevelt
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By the time he returned to politics in 1912 to make an attempt at a third term in the White House, running under the banner of the Progressive Party, he felt free to set out an even more radical vision of what must be done. Social Security, regulation of stock trading, a minimum wage--those ideas would not be adopted until the presidency more than two decades later of his distant cousin Franklin. But T.R. set them seriously in motion.
As at home, so in the world: in all places Roosevelt was an activist. He was the first President to urge wholeheartedly that the U.S. accept its role as a global power. God knows, he accepted it. He looked at the U.S. the way we now understand the universe, as a thing that began expanding the moment it was born. (It tells you something that he never got over the habit of casting covetous glances toward Canada.) But not until just before he reached the presidency had the nation finally burst through its continental confines. In 1898 the Spanish-American War and its aftermath had placed under U.S. supervision a whole collection of territories and dependencies: Cuba, Puerto Rico, Guam and the Philippines. Suddenly, to Roosevelt's utter delight, the U.S. was acting on a world stage, across two oceans. As Assistant Secretary of the Navy under McKinley--a job that should have been nearly meaningless but that he turned into a power center--he had urged on the war. As a Rough Rider, he had fought in it. As President, he would make Americans understand that their new global prominence was a long-term proposition.
He was right, of course. Roosevelt sounded the first chords of the American Century. But the Spanish-American War was a quick and easy victory. Although it was followed by a bloody anti-American insurgency in the Philippines, one that dragged on through Roosevelt's presidency, for the most part he did not live to see the lethal predicaments a global power can face. We can't know what he might have thought about Vietnam, much less Iraq. His expansionist impulse had its idealistic side; he too talked about spreading democracy. And you could see its legacy in developments after his death, like the Marshall Plan. But every time the U.S. contrived to overthrow an elected leader abroad who proved resistant to U.S. aims, some of Teddy's legacy was also at work. There could not have been a more literal legacy than the 1953 coup engineered by the U.S. to oust Mohammed Mossadegh, the Iranian Prime Minister who attempted to nationalize Iran's oil industry. The CIA officer in Tehran who choreographed the overthrow was Roosevelt's grandson Kermit.
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