10 Questions For Alan Leong

Hong Kong lawmaker Alan Leung photographed in his office on February 26, 2007.

PAUL YEUNG/REUTERS
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Alan Leong, a lawyer and lawmaker, is challenging Beijing-anointed incumbent Donald Tsang to be Hong Kong's next Chief Executive—even though he cannot win. The vote, on March 25, will be cast by an 800-member Election Committee that is largely pro-Beijing, and so pro-Tsang. Leong, 49, spoke with TIME's Peter Ritter about why he is running, Hong Kong's relationship with mainland China, and his sartorial trademark.

You engaged in a televised candidate debate with Donald Tsang last week, Hong Kong's first ever. How do you think it went?
People are telling me I spoke their minds during the debate. You can't ask Hong Kong people to imagine or visualize a competitive election. But after the debate, they didn't need to imagine, because they saw it in action. Hong Kong's political landscape will never be the same.

Yet a university poll about the debate showed that nearly 65% of those surveyed would still vote for Donald Tsang if they could.
Hong Kong people do not fully realize or appreciate how different I am from Donald Tsang. Also, this is not really a free election. It has always been the accepted position that Beijing wants Donald Tsang to continue in office. So people have the mindset: "Well, Donald Tsang is going to win. I want to vote for the winner, not the loser."

What, then, do you hope to accomplish by running?
We cannot win a rigged election this time, but we hope to lay the foundation to win a free election next time.

What would be your case to Beijing for introducing full democracy in Hong Kong?
Hong Kong is haunted by a lot of problems. Our institutions and competitiveness are weakened. That is all due to the Chief Executive not having a political mandate, and his government not having political legitimacy.

You've said that one shouldn't assume Beijing opposes full democracy for Hong Kong.
Beijing's policies are pragmatic, rational and meant for the good of Hong Kong. And Beijing is very professional. So we should not assume Beijing is happy with this dysfunctional government in Hong Kong.

How hopeful are you that Hong Kong can freely elect its Chief Executive by 2012, the target date set by the territory's democrats?
We really have to engage the Beijing leadership. I know this may be a sensitive time for them to talk with me. But, after the election, we'll have demonstrated to Beijing that a competitive Chief Executive election is in fact positive for Hong Kong, that there's nothing to fear.

Is Beijing afraid?
There are things they are nervous about. They seem to worry about Hong Kong going independent, about foreign infiltration, about Hong Kong people not being patriotic enough. There cannot be real Hong Kong independence. This is something nobody in Hong Kong would subscribe to. This fear-mongering talk is used by those who do not want universal suffrage.

What does Hong Kong have to teach mainland China?
I wouldn't say "teach." But Hong Kong's role in China's modernization is to build a free, competitive, fair society, with a free market.

What about Hong Kong learning from the mainland?
Hong Kong's roots are definitely in the motherland. Hong Kong's future is tied to the future of the mainland, whether politically, socially or economically.

Donald Tsang is known for his bow ties. You're known for your pocket-handkerchiefs. What's the story?
My pocket-chief comes from my Cambridge days. Wearing a pocket-chief is very normal in the U.K. I don't know about the bow tie. You'd better ask Donald.

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