Child of the Motherland

To

the political opposition in Hong Kong, the biggest issue is universal suffrage, whereby the Chief Executive and all of the Legislative Council are elected by popular vote. Yet Hong Kong's political system was never meant to be a carbon copy of any sovereign democracy. Unlike other colonies, Hong Kong did not become independent. It became part of a nation—China—and was given not full but a "high degree" of autonomy, under the principle of "one country, two systems." The level of this autonomy is set out in the Basic Law, Hong Kong's constitution under China.

Under the Basic Law, the central government in Beijing has the power to appoint as well as remove Hong Kong's Chief Executive. Furthermore, the Chief Executive has a duty under the Basic Law to be accountable not only to Hong Kong but to the central government. Democracy, therefore, is not for Hong Kong alone to determine.

This two-part process—election by Hong Kong and appointment by Beijing, and the dual accountability to both Hong Kong and Beijing—is unique. It's also a constitutional reality. Universal suffrage without regard to this reality will risk serious confrontation between the Hong Kong electorate and China. We need to assure all parties that, when universal suffrage is introduced, Beijing will retain its power to appoint the Chief Executive. Both Hong Kong and Beijing will have to accept that the elected candidate is accountable also to the other side.

The case for expeditious introduction of universal suffrage has been built on the aspirations of the Hong Kong people. Yet survey after survey has shown that compared to issues such as housing, the environment, employment and education, universal suffrage rarely makes it into the top five of the public's priorities.

The status quo—ballot by an electoral college of 800 members—is the best interim answer. It may not fully comply with democratic principles, but there are many other examples of pragmatism in our political design. Participation by foreign nationals is an obvious one. Permanent residents (those residing in Hong Kong for seven years or more), regardless of their nationality, can elect members of the Election Committee and the Legislative Council, and are not required to pledge allegiance to either Hong Kong or China. The Basic Law also allows non-Chinese permanent residents to be members of both the Legislative Council and the Election Committee. Again, these arrangements are not carbon copies of democratic practices elsewhere. Together with the election methods, they form sensible, pragmatic and perhaps interim answers to Hong Kong's unique situation.

Contrary to the grim predictions made about Hong Kong before the 1997 handover, the territory's economy and infrastructure have never been better, the rule of law remains paramount, business practices and regulations are transparent, and corruption is virtually nonexistent. Hong Kong is not a stand-alone sovereign democracy, but it has thrived precisely because of "one country, two systems." Hong Kong works, as it is.

Leung Chun-ying is convenor of Hong Kong's Executive Council, which advises the Chief Executive on policy.