The Way Forward

On June 29 London awoke to headlines of a thwarted terrorist attack. Gordon Brown's new government responded to the immediate crisis in a measured way. But the longer-term crisis, the phenomenon of "Islamic" terrorism, remains. To cope with it, Brown's administration will need several layers of strategic policy, including an enlightened focus on winning Muslim hearts and minds.

Both in Britain and internationally, the Muslim community must be secured as an ally in the war against terror. "Islamic" terrorism is condemned by mainstream Islam as a practice contrary to the basic tenets of the faith (hence the need for inverted commas). This condemnation must take practical shape. Parents must be vigilant against the radicalization of their children; congregations must reject radical preachers who claim the mimbar (pulpit); the wider community must be ready to cast from its midst those plotting and carrying out criminal acts. With the Muslim community as an ally, the war can be won.

A complicating factor is the lack of a single homogeneous Muslim community in Britain. Rather there is a rich tapestry of communities from different countries (Bangladesh, Iran, Pakistan, Somalia, various Arab states), with different languages (Arabic, Persian, Urdu) and different ways of practicing Islam (Shi'a, Sunni, Wahhabi). Among them are a significant number of inward-facing Muslims—economic immigrants who aren't particularly interested in learning to speak English, participating in British culture or making friends outside their community. There is little contest in their eyes between the importance of their faith and their status as U.K. residents or citizens. They are deeply disturbed by British foreign policy, especially in Iraq and the Middle East.

These inward-facing segments of the Muslim community are often viewed with disquiet as potential hotbeds of radicalization. The starting point for addressing such concerns is education — to instill among these Muslims a sense of their place within (not outside) British society. They should be given every opportunity to learn English, to acquire knowledge about Britain and to participate in community-led initiatives. Such measures will provide for greater interaction between Muslims and the rest of British society. That interaction will eventually lead to integration, which will diminish the likelihood of radicalization.

But education is not always synonymous with integration. As last month's attempted bombings in London and Glasgow suggest, radicalization is as likely to occur among doctors as among laborers. That's why an education-to-integration policy will not be the panacea for "Islamic" terrorism. There is a need, too, for British society to become more porous. This process is not about patronizing Muslims or press-ganging them into civic participation. It is about greater tolerance, respect and understanding — and it requires Britain to be more educated about Muslim values and beliefs. Too often, Muslim sentiments are misunderstood or regarded with contempt, intensifying the likelihood of conflict over divisive issues such as the knighting of Salman Rushdie or incendiary cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad. Likewise, the wish of Muslims to dress in a particular way is too often treated suspiciously or derisively.

None of this is to say that Britain should necessarily change its values and freedoms in order to accommodate the changing face of its population. But at the very least, the role of manner and presentation should not be underestimated: the way things are said — particularly by politicians and journalists — is often just as important as what is said.

Equally key, the Muslim community must be encouraged to use the democratic process—and must do so. The "justification" for previous incidents of terrorism has included British foreign policy. The message to and within the Muslim community must be clear: the way to object to this policy is not by picking up arms and joining the death cult of suicide bombings. The way to object is by raising one's voice and joining the democratic dialogue. In addition to winning the battle for hearts and minds, Brown will need to legislate for effective antiterrorism measures that are compatible with the protection of civil liberties and human rights. Striking the appropriate balance between these conflicting considerations is difficult. Tony Blair tipped the balance too far in one direction when, for example, he sought to sanction the discriminatory detention of non-nationals who were suspected terrorists.

But education, respect, democratic participation and measured legislation are just part of the equation. There is also a pressing need, presently unfulfilled, for focused and representative Muslim leadership — for leaders who can represent those who see no contradiction, no puzzle, in being thoroughly Muslim and thoroughly British at the same time.