A Stunning Right Hook

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g Haider, leader of Austria's far-right Freedom Party, likes to compare himself to Bill Clinton or Tony Blair. Critics outside his country say Adolf Hitler may be a better fit. Last week Austrians got a chance to air their views on the subject, and the results were surprising--at least to outsiders. In the biggest electoral victory for a far-right party in Europe since World War II, the buffed, telegenic 49-year-old demagogue won more than 27% of the popular vote. Leaders around the world shuddered at the news, while at home politicians fell over themselves to adjust. By week's end the shape of the new government remained unclear; negotiations between the three leading parties could take months. But the result confirms Haider's ascendancy from marginal rabble-rouser just a decade ago to inescapable force in Austrian affairs. Commentators are now openly predicting a Haider chancellorship, possibly within five years. Why Austrians are willing to court such a leader is another question.

Haider's party stands for many things, including privatization of state monopolies, a 23% "flat" income tax, and even generous $440-a-month subsidies for parents of young children. His resistance to E.U. expansion eastward has already been picked up, in watered-down form, by the ruling coalition. And then there are his views on immigration. Trumped-up threats posed by foreigners dominated his campaign. Posters warned ominously of the dangers of Uberfremdung, or overforeignization, a jarring echo of National Socialist rhetoric in pre-war Germany and Austria. In his platform, Haider called for zero immigration and immediate deportation of foreigners convicted of breaking the law.

Such positions, plus Haider's refusal to distance himself from several remarks made over the past 10 years which were construed to be pro-Nazi, have spread alarm abroad. In Jerusalem, Nobel laureate Shimon Peres canceled a planned visit and Foreign Minister David Levy, likening the result to Austria's election of Kurt Waldheim as President in 1986, threatened to recall Israel's ambassador if Haider joins the next government. Israel also dispatched an envoy to "intensify" the emigration of Austria's 9,000 Jews. Austrians, meanwhile, circled the wagons. Even Haider's opponents said comparisons to the Nazi era were overblown. A prominent Jewish leader in Vienna said the community did not feel threatened and caretaker Chancellor Viktor Klima said simply: "We have to look after Austria's reputation."

So why did so many Austrians vote for this man? The main reason, says veteran political commentator and author Paul Lendvai, is a thirst for change. "People did not vote for Haider out of sympathy for Nazis. They voted for him because they were sick and tired of the grand coalition," he said, referring to the partnership of socialists and conservatives, who between them have ruled Austria and divided the spoils of a top-heavy, corporatist government for over 50 years.

But then there is the millionaire politician himself: a highly energetic, charismatic, often garish, populist with a common touch. The result is a potent mix that in the end may be unique to the Alpine republic. That's some comfort for the rest of Europe, but for Austria's remaining liberals it's a distinction that they could doubtless do without.