Murder at the Mine
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In addition to paying hefty taxes, PTFI also gives millions of dollars a year directly to the armed forces in exchange for security services. The Indonesian military receives only about a third of its budget from Jakarta, so it must raise the rest by other means. A 2002 report by the International Crisis Group, a Brussels-based research institute, says the army posted in Papua derives a large portion of its income from "logging and other activities and protection fees paid by resource companies." PTFI has little choice but to boost its contribution in troubled times. In 1996, after a riot by local tribespeople halted mining operations, the company agreed to spend $35 million to construct military barracks and additional facilities, according to a report by the Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Center for Human Rights.
Indeed, some foreign analysts and diplomats believe the company's deep pockets may have provided a motive for the ambush. PTFI officials decline to comment on any aspect of its security operations, but a source close to the company says PTFI had been in discussions with local military officers prior to the attack about the possibility of reducing the firm's reliance on the nearly 650 soldiers and police who guard the mine. That could have meant a sharp drop in the cash given to troops. In other words, goes the theory, the teachers may have been slaughtered by rogue elements in the military who wanted to send a message to the mining company that full payments should continue. Military officers strongly deny any connection to the killings. "I am sure my men wouldn't do that," says Colonel Mangasa Saragih, the district army commander overseeing the town of Timika near the Grasberg mine. "We do not want to cover anything up."
A U.S. official familiar with the case acknowledges that, while there are indications of military involvement, "investigators have not yet gathered enough evidence that would stand up in court." Indeed, the preliminary police report seen by Time offers no smoking gun. Dirk Burgon fears that his father's killers won't be found because the political price of justice—broken bonds between Indonesia and the U.S., embarrassment for the Indonesian government—is too high. On Feb. 20 the Bush Administration's budget package is expected to be passed by Congress. The package includes $400,000 in funding for the Indonesian military—a modest sum but symbolically important. For one thing, it would override a 1999 congressional ban on providing money to the country's armed forces—a punishment for alleged human-rights violations by troops during East Timor's drive for independence. If funding is approved, the Indonesian military might appear "to have exonerated itself of the implication that its élite special forces recently murdered two U.S. teachers," says Kurt Biddle, coordinator of the Indonesia Human Rights Network.
Burgon says that in January he met with members of the FBI, U.S. State Department and congressional aides to press for a resolution to the case. The reaction to his lobbying gave him little solace. "We were told [an investigation implicating soldiers] was not conducive to the Pentagon's goal of restoring ties with the Indonesian military," Burgon says. If so, the truth about the ambush might prove to be another casualty of America's all-consuming war on terror.
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