Why America Must Rediscover Asia

Whe

n Americans think of shared destinies, most think of Europe. When Asians think of shared destinies, they think of America. America has done more than any other country to assist the remarkable transformation of Asia. Asians are aware of this. Curiously, most Americans are not. America has accumulated vast reservoirs of goodwill in Asia. From the mayors in China to the entrepreneurs in India, from the scholars in Japan to the economists in Indonesia, from the bankers in Hong Kong to the public servants in Singapore, there is virtually an entire army of American-trained Asian minds leading Asia and making critical decisions. Most want to work in partnership with America.

What these Asians expect from George W. Bush is nothing less than intelligent and wise management of the globe. Asia's stake in a stable global order has never been higher. Both China and India need stable oil prices and the continuation of a level playing field in trade. Without wise American leadership, none of this will be possible.

Paradoxically, at a time when America should be harvesting the fruits of its many beneficial policies, it has been the target of a whirlwind of protest and disillusionment in the region. American standing in Asian public opinion has never been lower. The reasons for this are complex. Many Americans would like to believe that it is only the Bush Administration that is unpopular. Actually, many Asian élites preferred Bush over Kerry due to the President's proven tough stand against terrorism and protectionism. The structural reason for the deepening disillusionment with America is the growing perception in Asia (and perhaps in the world) of American indifference to the clear impact of its actions elsewhere. Too often, short-term domestic and electoral considerations drive America's international policies. To regain the goodwill it has accumulated, America should begin to factor in the long-term dimension of the many critical challenges that America and Asia face in common.

The most pressing challenge that America faces is repairing its relationship with the Islamic world, which has never been more strained. Iraq cannot be abandoned, and the battle against al-Qaeda's terrorism must continue to be prosecuted with patience and resolve. But the U.S. now faces the urgent challenge of winning Islamic hearts and minds. Undoubtedly, a solution of the Palestinian-Israeli dispute would have a calming effect. But there is an even bigger long-term challenge. It is in America's long-term interest to foster the development of a successful and modern Islamic state that would become an alternative beacon to replace the current infatuation with Osama bin Laden. This requires a sustained and long-term engagement with the Islamic world. Indonesia provides an immediate opportunity. The peaceful and successful elections there could send powerful waves of hope into the Islamic world if they are followed by successful development. As President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has said, "If everything is going well, then Indonesia can be a good example, a good model of Islam that is compatible with democracy." The U.S. has as much to gain from Indonesia's success as Asia does.

China requires a similar sustained engagement. After a century of pain and trauma, the Chinese people feel they are restoring China's dignity and standing in the world. Achieving rapid economic growth while quietly transforming a Communist Party system is quite a challenge. Many Chinese leaders feel they are climbing a treacherous political slope. As they climb on, they watch America throwing rocks at them, making their journey more dangerous. From supporting human-rights campaigners to encouraging democratic nationalism in Taiwan, America has with its policies created significant difficulties for Chinese leaders, often without intending to do so. The emergence of an angry, nationalist China would be disastrous for the region and the world. But a China committed to developing into a modern-day Japan or Germany will be a global asset. Sadly, most Americans remain unaware of the conflicting signals they send to China, thereby generating huge uncertainties for the region. Consistency in the U.S.'s China policies would be immensely stabilizing.

Americans feel a sense of relief when they complete a four-year political cycle and elect a new President. But Asians, for their part, are focused on a 40-year goal of renewal and renaissance. They are relieved that Bush was re-elected. They do not have to face the trauma of educating a new President. But they expect more from a Bush than a Kerry. Without the pressure of re-election, Bush should pursue wiser long-term policies to regain the goodwill sadly lost in recent years.