THE CONGRESS: Where Are the Leaders?

Washington was charming in its Christmas wrapping. But around the Capitol and the buildings of state the charm was only brick-deep.

Congressmen, who habitually put off all thoughts of legislation with the first glimpse of holly, were again scrambling to get home for the holidays—no matter what kind of a mess they might be leaving.

And a mess it was: of the 22 recommendations Harry Truman had made since September 6, only four had been acted upon. They were 1) the Government Reorganization Bill, 2) a much-watered-down version of the Full Employment Bill, 3) extension of the War Powers Act (by the House only), 4) return of the U.S. Employment Service to state administration by mid-April, 1946 (the President had wanted to keep control of USES until June 30, 1947).

Pigeon-holed in committee, tied up in Congressional snafu or put off until next year were:

¶ All atomic bomb legislation, including the controversial May-Johnson bill.

¶ All labor legislation, including Harry Truman's pet panacea providing for fact-finding boards and cooling-off periods. ¶ All military legislation, including universal training and merger of the services.

Congress had also ducked its responsibilities on jobless pay, minimum wages, fair employment practices, small business and scientific research.

The premise of early New Deal days that Congress exists merely to echo the executive's orders had long ago been discarded. Congress has taken a healthy interest in debate. But the methods of controlling the debate, of channeling and guiding legislation, of bringing order out of the normal Congressional chaos seemed to have broken down. Too many Congressmen frankly took the view that Harry Truman did not mean everything he said and that therefore all his proposals did not need serious attention. And in Congress itself the Democratic leadership, uncertain of its aims, had broken down. It could be stopped or beaten by almost any coalition —and almost always was.