THE CONGRESS: Course-Shaping Recess

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For the U.S. Congress, Easter is a time for rest after the first labors of the new year. For wise Congressmen the long Easter recess is also a time for clearing the head of Washington's political vapors and finding out what is in the minds of the folks back home. In 1958 the Easter recess served a key purpose: in Washington, the temptation to fight recession with a spending spree had been almost overwhelming. But when the Congressmen got home at Easter, they discovered to their general astonishment that there was little sentiment for wild pump-priming. That discovery shaped much of the course of the 85th Congress, second session—and what Congressmen find out about such issues as Berlin and the budget during the Easter recess that ends next week may well shape the course of the 86th Congress, first session.

On Berlin, there seems little doubt. Some citizens may not know too much about the details of the crisis (in a New York Times spot survey of 470 people across the U.S., 185, or 39%, did not even know that Berlin is surrounded by Communist East Germany), but there is clear agreement that the U.S. must stand fast against Russian threats. The U.S. is no more disposed to retreat from Berlin than it was during the 1948 airlift. At that time, the Gallup poll reported that 80% thought the U.S. should remain. Last week a Gallup poll showed an almost identical result: 81% favored a strong stand "even at the risk of war"; only 11% wanted to pull out while 8% had no opinion. What the voters told the first returning Congressmen confirmed the poll. In Boston, Democratic Representative John McCormack reported invariable assent when he was asked, "What do you think about Berlin, John?" and replied: "It's vitally important for us to be firm—we can't forget the lesson of Munich."

The budget is something else again. President Eisenhower seized the initiative by presenting a balanced budget in January, and the Democratic 86th Congress has never quite made up its mind whether to accept the political onus of unbalancing it. On virtually all the legislation handled so far, the 86th has started off as though prepared to go all the way in upsetting the budget, then had second thoughts and trimmed the spending to something fairly close to Administration requests. Just before Congress recessed last week, House Speaker Sam Rayburn let it be known that he was getting tired of the whole business. "If we cut a dollar below what [the Administration] wants," complained Mr. Sam, "it's like the heavens are going to fall. If we appropriate a dollar above their request, it's reckless and radical spending." The Democratic 86th, said Rayburn, is going to use its own judgment about spending "from here on out." And what that judgment may be will probably depend on the Easter pulse-taking.