Europe: Then Will It Live . . .

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are likely to be long and difficult. But if Britain comes in, much of the rest of Western Europe outside the Six is likely to follow. The result could be not only a true United States of Europe, but the creation of a mighty economic powerhouse dwarfing Russia in the world's industrial hierarchy.

As early as 1952, Monnet urged the British to join the Coal and Steel Community. Motivated by its historic aloofness from the Continent, as well as respect for its Commonwealth ties, Britain said no. The answer was the same when the Common Market was born in 1957. "We crushed Napoleon and his idea of European unity," snorted a Cabinet minister, "and we can do the same again." Britain's response to the Common Market was to assemble a rival-bloc European Free Trade Association—but with little enthusiasm, since Britain was convinced that the Common Market would never work. Its runaway success caused a painful about-face. While the Six's growth rate swelled, Britain's per capita output rise stayed at a stagnating 2%. As the Six traded more and more with one another, Britain's vital exports to the Continent declined. The vaunted Commonwealth re lationship proved less and less profitable: trade between Britain and the Common wealth nations has actually declined in the last five years.

Coming late with hat in hand, Britain is in poor position to do much bargaining with the Common Market. But it must try to get safeguards both for British farmers—more highly protected than even the Six's—and for its Commonwealth trading partners, whose agricultural products would be forced into competition with Europe's own. One after another, speakers at a Commonwealth Parliamentary Conference in London last week warned that British membership may even spell the end of the Commonwealth. Warned Laborite Emanuel Shinwell, onetime Minister of Defense: "We shall suffer disillusionment before many years are passed. We shall discover we have made a tragic mistake."

Within the Common Market, the main opposition to British membership comes from France, whose own colonies produce many of the same raw materials that are exported by the Commonwealth. There is suspicion also that Britain intends to reap the economic advantages of membership but resist political integration with the Continent. In fact, by overruling France's delaying tactics and welcoming Britain's application last week, the other Common Market countries recognized the wisdom of Jean Monnet's prophecy: "Once a Common Market interest has been created, then political union will come naturally."

Preaching Mission. Monnet continues with almost Pauline dedication to this gospel. Recently, one of the cutters at Monnet's London tailor, Lesley & Roberts, stopped while measuring him for a suit and said: "I hear you're connected with the Common Market idea. Can you explain what it's all about?" Monnet sat-down and preached to the tailor for an hour.

More and more, preaching is his mission. Since 1955 he has been working full time as the apostle of European unity, at the head of his own private lobby called the Action Committee for a United States of Europe—one of the most potent political pressure groups ever assembled. It is premised on Monnet's conviction, "In a democracy, the people who matter