Foreign Relations: In an Era of Self-Interest

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FOREIGN RELATIONS

Many of the U.S.'s old friends do not seem to call as often as they used to—and when they do, there is apt to be a new tone of voice. By design and by drift, they follow increasingly independent courses, with less and less reference to U.S. policy. Sometimes they almost seem to defy U.S. wishes out of pure perversity.

What has happened? There is, of course, no single turning point for such a trend. With massive U.S. help, the economies of most free-world countries have been immensely strengthened, thereby increasing their sense of independence. At the same time, troubles behind the Iron Curtain forced Russia to relax some of its old, cold-war positions. Then, last August, came the signing of the test-ban treaty, which put a big exclamation point after the fact that the cold war was no longer the same cold war, in which everyone knew the rules. While the basic issues of that war remain, and the U.S. denies that there is a real detente, the pressures that bound free nations together for mutual self-protection no longer seem so great. Says Brazil's Foreign Minister Joao Augusto de Araujo Castro, whose own nation has caused the U.S. any number of headaches: "With the marked relaxation in world af fairs, the rules of the international game are changing—no doubt of it."

Under the new rules, almost all countries seem to feel free to pursue their own nationalistic interests, with only a nod now and then to the obligations of alliance.

The Disaffections. France is the most obvious—and dramatic—example. In seeking to regain the glory that was France, Charles de Gaulle has refused to sign the test-ban treaty, rejected the U.S. plan for a multilateral nuclear force in Europe, kept Britain out of the Common Market, undermined the U.S. effort in South Viet Nam by arguing that the country should be neutralized, recognized Red China. Last week he tipped three more bowls of hot porridge into the U.S. lap. In a single busy day, France moved toward a major new economic agreement with Russia, hinted that it might torpedo U.S.-supported tariff talks in Geneva this spring, made it clear that it will support the admission of Red China to the United Nations. Beyond all that, De Gaulle hopes to increase French influence in Latin America, where he plans to visit Mexico this month and several other countries in the fall (see THE HEMISPHERE). Says a French diplomat: "This will give our Latin friends a choice other than American or Communist influence."

But France is by no means alone in running counter to U.S. policy. Britain insists on trading with Castro's Cuba, scoffs at the U.S. embargo. Says a British diplomat: "You have a Cuban neurosis, and we can't be expected to adhere to your policy while you trade with the Soviet Union." Portugal has declared that treaties granting the U.S. bases in the Azores "should be rediscussed," also hints that it may recognize Communist China. Greek demonstrators, enraged over U.S. policy toward Cyprus, last week burned President Johnson in effigy, waved signs showing him in a Turkish fez, shouted "Bravo, Russia!"