Nation: NOW THE REPUBLIC

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Events during the rest of the day began to take care of Agnew's anonymity. Irate over the aura of a shabby deal that surrounded his selection and disturbed by some of his recent criticism of Negro activists, leaders in a number of delegations talked revolt. As usual, however, the liberals were disorganized. By the time the final night's session convened to name a vice-presidential candidate and hear both nominees' acceptance speeches, a coalition had been assembled to second Agnew's nomination: Lindsay, Percy, Tower and California's William Knowland. They covered all factions of the party.

The dissidents scrounged for a candidate willing to oppose Agnew, but were turned down by Lindsay. Rockefeller refused to cooperate with the revolt, even though some of his allies, notably Rhode Island Governor John Chafee, were leading it. Finally George Abbott of Nevada nominated Romney. The ensuing vote was a cruel slaughter: 1,128 for Agnew to 178 for Romney. The loser then followed tradition by moving to make the nomination unanimous.

Although the minirevolt against Agnew's selection may have satisfied bored delegates' desire for combat and excitement, it was not only futile but unwise as well. Both party tradition and U.S. history since Aaron Burr's day dictate that the President must have a No. 2 man whom he wants and trusts. And if by some fluke the convention had forced Romney or someone else on Nixon, and the ticket had gone on to win, the unwanted Veep could have looked forward to even more frustrations than the incumbent normally suffers.

Underrated. At week's end, as Nixon and Agnew went to the L.B.J. ranch for a briefing on national-security affairs, it was uncertain how much permanent damage to the ticket's chances in November had been caused by the scuffle. Initially, Nixon was forced on the defensive, arguing that Agnew was an "underrated man." Agnew's own acceptance speech was short and almost humble in tone. Later Agnew complained that he was being unfairly tagged as an opponent of civil rights merely because he opposed civil disobedience.

Certainly the Marylander will be no asset to the ticket among Negro voters, although it is doubtful that Nixon will get much black support in any case. Agnew may be helpful, on the other hand, in the border regions and some Southern states, such as Virginia, Texas, Florida and North Carolina, in which Nixon has a fighting chance to best George Wallace. This is what Nixon men call a ''peripheral strategy," more or less conceding the Deep South to Wallace. To capture the Presidency, however, the Republicans must sweep much of the West as well, while carrying some of the vote-heavy states, including Ohio, New Jersey and Michigan. New York will probably be an insurmountable problem for Nixon. Illinois will be nearly as tough. California figures to be a tossup.