Southeast Asia: Those Sanctuaries

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Few statesmen have proved themselves so adept at befuddling—and occasionally exasperating—the U.S. as Prince Norodom Sihanouk, Cambodia's head of state and Southeast Asia's most accomplished political juggler. The Prince's dervish foreign policy has earned him the almost automatic and somewhat derogatory appellation "mercurial." Yet Sihanouk maintains that there is method and consistency of purpose in his maneuvering: to ensure Cambodia's continued survival as an independent, neutral nation in stormy Southeast Asia. As he said recently: "Whether I swing toward the right or to the left is my concern, because I work only in the interests of my country."

Last week the Prince announced a major policy shift, one that has been in the making for some time. He declared that he would resume diplomatic relations with the U.S., ruptured almost four years ago after violations of Cambodia's borders by U.S. and South Vietnamese troops.* Sihanouk's announcement followed a U.S. pledge of recognition and respect for Cambodia's independence "within its present frontiers"—a commitment the Prince has long demanded from Washington as the price of resuming diplomatic ties.

Infiltration Worries. The main reason for the rapprochement can be found in the evolution of the Viet Nam war and its spillover into Cambodia and Laos. Over the past six months, the Prince has become increasingly concerned about the presence of thousands of North Vietnamese and Viet Cong troops on Cambodian soil. With a Viet Nam settlement a possibility, he wants to call attention to the intruders—if only to make sure that he will not be stuck with them when the war ends. In 1954, when the French Indo-China War ended, he managed to negotiate the withdrawal of Viet Minh forces from Cambodia; he seems to be setting the stage for a similar maneuver now. "There are Vietnamese infiltrating Cambodia, and I am deeply worried," says the Prince. After years of denying the presence of Communist forces in his country, that was quite a public admission by Sihanouk.

North Vist Nam and the Viet Cong began using Cambodia and Laos as conduits for manpower and arms early in the war. Eventually the Communists set up sanctuaries inside the two countries for rest, regroupment and tactical movement. The allies used airborne, side-looking radar, electronic listening devices and ground patrols to keep track of Communist movement. The Pentagon's belief is that more than three Communist divisions are now operating out of Cambodia and that more than two divisions are deployed in Laos.

Diplomatic Liabilities. A little more than a year ago, General Creighton Abrams, now the U.S. commander in Viet Nam, ruled out the idea of large allied ground forays against Communist concentrations outside Viet Nam as too fraught with diplomatic liabilities; he also maintained that they made "no military sense." But undoubtedly the problem troubles him greatly: every time the subject of Cambodia comes up, says one source close to Abrams, he "clenches his teeth." More than a few U.S. commanders would like nothing better now than to take a crack at the sanctuaries, wherever they might be. "It is axiomatic that if you are going to defeat guerrillas, you have to deny them their base areas," says one general.