Nation: EAST AND WEST: THE TROUBLING AMBIGUITIES

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WHILE politics preoccupied the nation last week with the approach of the conventions, Lyndon Johnson's energies were absorbed by problems on two broad fronts of foreign policy. At midweek, he flew off to Honolulu to discuss the problem that one of the presidential candidates will undoubtedly find uppermost in his mind the day after inauguration—Viet Nam. Even as Johnson was conferring with South Viet Nam's President Nguyen Van Thieu, the showdown over Czechoslovakia brought a sobering reminder that, for the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. alike, Europe remains a potentially dangerous arena. It was also a reminder that despite the relatively restrained policies of Russia's present leaders, a serious drive for freedom inside Communist countries remains a nearly intolerable irritant to Moscow (see THE WORLD).

Absolute Tommyrot. All sorts of rumors of a new U.S. peace offensive over Viet Nam preceded the two-day Honolulu conference. Before leaving for a war tour a fortnight ago, Defense Secretary Clark Clifford gave many the impression that he might seek South Vietnamese approval for a full halt to U.S. bombing of the North. Assistant Secretary of State William Bundy hinted that a bombing pause would indeed be a key issue at Hawaii. Cyrus Vance, No. 2 man on the Paris negotiating team, emphasized the recent lull in fighting around Saigon, feeding speculation that it might prove to be the reciprocal gesture the U.S. has long demanded from Hanoi.

Johnson did his best to silence the talk. "The big rumors about meeting here to discuss stopping the bombing or to pull out," he said, "are just pure, absolute tommyrot and fiction." Taking extraordinary precautions to preserve secrecy in his first talk with Thieu, he not only banished his advisers, but also did without the customary interpreter—Thieu has a good command of English. After 50 minutes, Secretary of State Dean Rusk was called in for a ten-minute briefing on the Paris talks.

Afterward, Johnson declared that there was nothing "very exciting to report." If so, why had he traveled so far for so little? The messages of friendship, trust and support could almost have been summarized in a letter-most of the five-page communique issued after the talks, in fact, was written in advance. Both Johnson and Thieu denied that a full bombing pause was even discussed. Both repeated statements that they had made a dozen times before. South Viet Nam would be fully represented at Paris, if and when real negotiations start, and there would be no coalition government "imposed" on Saigon. Yet it was almost inconceivable that new peace overtures had not even been touched upon, and reporters—fully aware of Johnson's love of dramatic surprises—came away unconvinced that they had been told the full story.

Two Debits. It is no secret around the White House that the President earnestly hopes to finish his term with a flourish that would include both a Viet Nam settlement and a broad rapprochement with the Soviet Union, topped off with a visit to Moscow. Honolulu did nothing to further the first wish. Developments in Czechoslovakia did nothing to hasten the other.