The Commonwealth: Yes, But How?

The 16th Commonwealth Conference broke up last week in London. What broke it up, as usual, was the problem of how to make Rhodesia a British colony again.

Admittedly, it was a problem that put the leaders of the Commonwealth's 23 nations in a curious position, for to most of them anti-colonialism is still a fighting cause. But Rhodesia is different.

Its white supremacist regime seized in dependence last year only to forestall British attempts to give the land's over whelming African majority a hand in running the government. Therefore, agree all members of the Common wealth, the only way for Rhodesian blacks to gain true independence is for Britain to regain control. But how?

Most Commonwealth leaders had come to London hoping to force Brit ish Prime Minister Harold Wilson to send troops to invade Rhodesia — or at the very least call for a full-scale eco nomic and diplomatic blockade (such as the U.N. unsuccessfully tried against Franco's Spain after World War II).

Afraid that Wilson might come to terms with the Rhodesian regime, they demanded that he agree to something called NIBMAR — an acronym standing for "No Independence Before Majority African Rule."

Wilson's position was somewhat dif ferent. He feared that the use of British troops would be 1) a risky military venture, and 2) political suicide for his own government. Moreover, a full U.N.

boycott would bring Britain into conflict with South Africa and endanger the strong and lucrative trade ties the two share. He fudged on NIBMAR; but to prove that his heart was in the right place, he delivered an ultimatum of sorts to Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith. Unless Smith agreed to form an "acceptable" government by Christmas, Wilson would ask the U.N. to impose mandatory sanctions on Rhodesian pig iron, chrome and asbestos.

Pig iron, chrome and asbestos? The Commonwealth was not impressed. Nor were the members pacified when Wilson upped the ante to include a mandatory oil blockade; after all, one mandatory oil blockade was supposedly already in force, but Rhodesia had somehow always managed to get plenty of oil. In the end, there was not much the Commonwealth could do about it. Before they went home, however, the leaders of 16 former British possessions in Africa, Asia and the Caribbean broke ranks with Wilson, made use of the official conference communique—traditionally a bland document saying nothing—to register their disagreement and disgust.