Nation: A SAVAGE CHALLENGE TO DETENTE

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Lyndon Johnson's statement ("The tragic news from Czechoslovakia shocks the conscience of the world") was comparatively mild. The Administration went through the motions of appealing to the United Nations to condemn Mos cow, and the Soviets cast their 105th Security Council veto. U.N. Ambassador George Ball injected some drama with an eloquent predawn assault on Soviet Ambassador Yakov Malik's veto.

"What your government has done," Ball declared, "is self-destructive. Their repressive action will some day be repudiated by their successors with the same violence, with the same vehemence that the cruel and repressive acts of Stalin were repudiated by his successor."

Inhibition. The U.S. reacted as it did in part because the Czechoslovak tragedy occurred during an upward swing in Soviet-American relations. This year the two nations agreed to rescue each other's astronauts, extended the cultural exchange pact, ratified a consular convention, and opened a direct civilian air link. The most important opening of all was the signing of a nuclear non-proliferation treaty and the agreement to open negotiations to restrict the production and deployment of offensive and defensive nuclear missiles.

For Johnson, this detente was to be the historic foreign policy achievement of his Administration. It was known at week's end that Washington and Moscow had agreed to talks some time next month, probably in Geneva. The White House was apparently ready to announce the agreement, and perhaps much more, last Wednesday. That was another victim of aggression.

It was widely believed that the announcement that never came was also to have disclosed details of a meeting between Johnson and Aleksei Kosygin —perhaps with Hubert Humphrey and Richard Nixon present for continuity's sake. Johnson had been hinting privately about the possibility of a sequel to Glassboro. Such a meeting would doubtless cover far more ground than missile deployment. For one thing, it might represent Johnson's final big attempt to obtain Soviet assistance in settling the Viet Nam war. Obviously, last week's aggression inhibits any immediate followup. Nonetheless, the White House has refused to rule out the possibility of a Johnson-Kosygin meeting. The President himself still wants to go through with it.

History suggests that the Soviets have an instinct for pulling back from crisis before it becomes catastrophe. Besides, past Soviet transgressions have not prevented Moscow and Washington from reaching limited, specific agreements when it was to their mutual advantage. Less than a year after the 1962 Cuban-missile showdown, the partial ban on nuclear tests was signed and ratified.