FRANCE: From the Royal Box

At 3:45 p.m. the 21 ministers of France's Fifth Republic seated themselves in gilt armchairs in scrupulous order of rank in the half-darkened Salle des Fêtes of Paris' Elysée Palace. As they did so, lights flooded the pink brocade curtains at the entrance to the onetime royal box that overlooks the room. Precisely at the stroke of four, white-gloved hands parted the curtains, and Charles de Gaulle, blinking against the lights, appeared in the box to open his second press conference since he became President of France eleven months ago.

To the 780 assembled newsmen De Gaulle began with a 15-minute "preliminary statement," made without notes, that turned out to be almost word for word like a mimeographed summary handed to the newsmen as they came in. In the constitution of De Gaulle's Fifth Republic, the general had seen to it that as President his would be the right to define France's foreign policy, and his monarchic-type "press conference"—more an audience with an articulate and intellectual head of state—was his chosen forum for doing so. He had a great deal of news to make.

Russians. "After many years of international tension," began De Gaulle, "some signs of an easing of the situation are visible on the part of the Soviet world." Most important cause of the new Russian attitude, suggested De Gaulle, is the personality of Nikita Khrushchev, "discerning as he does that at the supreme level of responsibility," peace "is the supreme realism." But along with this tribute to his future guest, De Gaulle coolly offered the opinion that Russia had good cause to be conciliatory toward the West, since, internationally, the Soviets are leading from several weaknesses. There are the natural aspirations of the Russian people, after 42 years of Communist rule, for a better life and freedom; there is Soviet awareness that, while by force and through intermediaries, "it may reign over Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Rumania, Bulgaria, Albania, Yugoslavia, Prussia and Saxony, it has not won them over."

Then De Gaulle, his manner calm and impersonal, moved on to more delicate ground: "No doubt Soviet Russia, in spite of having aided Communism to take root in China, recognizes that nothing can change the fact that Russia is a white European nation . . . face to face with the yellow masses of China, numberless and impoverished, indestructible and ambitious—a people that is building through trial and hardship a power that cannot be measured and that is already eying the open spaces over which it must one day spread."

So if Russia and everybody else wants a summit, "France is in favor. But precisely because it hopes that the proposed meeting will result in something positive, it believes it necessary not to rush into talks that might be superficial."

Further, he wanted: 1) continuing Soviet proofs of good international intentions; 2) previous agreement among the Western powers "on the questions to be dealt with and the common position they will take on each item"; 3) "personal contact between Mr. Khrushchev and myself." Happily, added the general, Khrushchev has agreed to visit Paris in March. So after that, say in May, a summit meeting would be in order.