THE PRESIDENCY: State of the Union

Striding three paces forward from the swinging central doors of the House of Representatives chamber, Doorkeeper William M. ("Fishbait") Miller sucked breath and bellowed the call that has been his prerogative for eight congressional sessions. Cried Mississippian Miller: "Mistuh Speakuh, the President of the United States!" A packed chamber's applause pealed out as Dwight Eisenhower, following Doorkeeper Miller and followed himself by an escort of four Senators and two Representatives, made his smiling way down the aisle to the House well.

Ike took his place before a felt-covered reading stand, held arms high in the air to acknowledge cheers. When the demonstration subsided, he cut through formality to wish the Congress a happy new year on behalf of himself and Mrs. Eisenhower. In the gallery, Mamie took a bow. Still smiling and casual, the President turned to the rostrum behind him for timely birthday greetings to Vice President Nixon (45) and House Speaker Sam Rayburn (76). Then, the smiles giving way to solemnity, he turned to the business at hand: his sixth State of the Union message. When he concluded, the nation and the world had heard a speech that was unusual not merely for the vigor of the man and his words, but because Ike had departed from customary procedure to propose stern solutions to principal national problems.

Can He Lead? The President understood well as he faced the Congress, the Cabinet, the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the diplomatic corps that he was facing a critical test. During the seven weeks he spent drafting the first address of 1958—probably the most important of his five years in the White House—the President and his works had been under heavy attack, and he knew the nation's temper. (Wrote New York Timesman Arthur Krock the day before the address: "The question is: Can and will he fully and firmly lead the U.S., and hence the free world?") Moving quickly to calm fears and answer questions, the President:

¶ Acknowledged that the "consensus of opinion" was that the U.S. lagged behind Russia "in some areas of long-range ballistic missile development" but with effort could have necessary missiles in quantity and in time (a considerable change in position from his post-Sputnik assertion that the first Russian satellite had not raised his apprehensions "one iota").

¶ Owned up that he himself had not anticipated the psychological impact upon the world of the U.S.S.R.'s first rocket-launched satellite.

¶ Called for stepped-up missile programs, advanced aircraft production, nuclear submarines and cruisers, improved antisubmarine weapons, as well as "all necessary types of mobile forces to deal with local conflicts, should there be need."

¶ Put his Administration's prestige squarely behind continued foreign aid and took aim on those in and out of Congress who sneer at aid as a "giveaway." Snapped he: "We cannot afford to have one of our most essential security programs shot down with a slogan."

¶ Took firm hold of the thorniest defense problem of them all by calling for Pentagon reorganization and by warning the Pentagon's generals and admirals that "harmful service rivalries" must stop.