Republicans: It's the Right Thing'

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For a rich man, Rockefeller has generally modest tastes. He dresses conservatively in $150-$200 suits, does not smoke, drinks only wine (his favorite aperitif: Dubonnet) or beer. His biggest extravagance is his collection of more than 1,000 paintings, most of them modern (Picasso, Klee, and Miro). Despite his heavy schedule, he still likes to read art catalogues for recreation. He enjoys driving alone in his 1955 Chrysler convertible (he keeps the top closed) because it gives him a little privacy. Says he: "I spend virtually all my waking hours with people. I have to have a chance to stop and relax." One of the most valuable political advantages of Rockefeller's wealth is the large cast of advisers on whom he can call to perform almost any task, research almost any problem. As Governor, he has his own staff of seven close counsellors, and he gets help in planning and strategy from such Republican pros as State Chairman Judson Morhouse. But that is just the beginning. In a five-story Rockefeller brownstone in mid-Manhattan, he employs a five-man research group that delves into current problems, keeps Rocky informed on matters as sundry as education and trade. On his personal payroll, he has 35 people, including a speechwriter, a consultant on international affairs, and an economist. In addition, he has at his disposal the Rockefeller brothers' staff of 26, which includes advisers on public affairs, finance, legal affairs and international matters.

To many, such signs of wealth raise a question: In the modern U.S., does it take a rich man—with the money, staff and conveniences he can muster—to be nominated for the presidency? John Kennedy is a millionaire, and, besides Rockefeller, many of the G.O.P. possibilities for 1964 are men of wealth: Goldwater, Romney, Scranton (Nixon, while hardly rich, is certainly well off. He recently had a $135,000 house built; his estimated annual income: $250,000). When Hubert Humphrey sought the Democratic nomination in 1960, he found lack of money a huge disadvantage; for months after his Wisconsin and West Virginia primary fights, he was still paying off the debts they piled up. While no one believes that wealth alone is decisive in winning either nominations or elections, there is little doubt that wealth helps in hurdling the rigorous demands that U.S. politics increasingly imposes on candidates.

Keeping Them Awake. Rocky's advisers are already thinking beyond next fall to the problems that Rockefeller will face in seeking the 1964 nomination. Rocky's toughest job, as they see it, is to establish a political position that differs from Kennedy's, yet is sufficiently broad and appealing to attract the voters. This is not easy, since Rockefeller often finds himself agreeing with Kennedy's goals—if not always with the way he reaches them. He has supported the President on such issues as tax withholding for dividend and interest income, care for the aged under social security, a new trade law. In fact, Rockefeller's men suspect that in certain areas of national policy Kennedy has consciously tried to pre-empt Rockefeller's ground, expecting him to be the 1964 G.O.P. candidate.