THE CONGRESS: Hell & Close Harmony

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The quality in Senator Barkley which President Roosevelt last week designated as a sense of perspective has often drawn, from less fervent admirers, less complimentary estimates. In the House, Barkley's biggest jobs were opposing the lobbyists' demands for railroad subsidies after the War, and defending prohibition to the extent of accepting Anti-Saloon League pay for speeches. When Senator Barkley voted for a protectionist tariff and, in line with his Party's platform, came out for Repeal in 1932, his Republican opponents in Kentucky promised to beat four Barkleys: "the Free Trade Barkley, the Protectionist Barkley, the Dry Barkley, the Wet Barkley." Jibes like this are not taken too seriously by Alben Barkley's Senate colleagues. He is good-natured. He tries hard to turn a wisecrack. He is a careful, dependable speaker, a loyal and devoted follower of the New Deal. In 1928, Alben Barkley proved his political courage in his convictions by stumping vigorously for Al Smith when most of his Southern confreres were making perfunctory campaign gestures. Main questions about Alben Barkley's qualifications as a Leader of the Senate are simply whether: 1) the Senate has once again returned to its normal state as a self-willed, cantankerous collection of statesmen where no great degree of unity can be impressed for long on a majority, and whether 2) Alben Barkley, amiable and courageous though he is, but neither quickwitted nor endowed with the bull-necked determination of Joe Robinson, can drive conservative Democrats once more to lend their votes to the New Deal.

Last Act. The toughest part of any legislative leader's job is seeing Congress through its final week and this week Leader Barkley. harried on all sides, faces that onerous job. Actually he has comparatively little "must" legislation to force through. Except for the bill to plug tax loopholes, most important bills last week had already passed the Senate, gone to the House for conference or disposition. But this was little relief to Alben Barkley for in the final legislative jam, enough damage may be done to spoil not only this session for the Roosevelt Administration but the next as well.

One piece of damage was done last week. Having allowed the anti-lynching agitation to get to the point where it threatened the rest of this year's work, Leader Barkley had to pay dearly to dispose of it. Pay was a promise to reconsider it when Congress meets next January. In their present mood, conservative Southern Democrats have half a mind to speak against it and vote against it, but not to prevent its passage by a last-ditch filibuster. If they do so next spring, Franklin Roosevelt will be faced with the embarrassing prospect of signing or vetoing it. Either course will cost the New Deal votes either in the North or South in the 1938 Congressional elections.