EGYPT: Freedom, Yes & No

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Fifty thousand Egyptians crowded under a vast, quilted tent in Cairo's Republic Square one evening last week to hear Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser proclaim his long-promised constitution. This was the moment when Egypt was to pass from military dictatorship to "republican and democratic government." To mark the switch, Nasser and his eight-man junta had resigned their army commissions. They took their places on the platform wearing civilian clothes. "The true revolution begins today," orated Nasser. "The whole people will constitute a supreme council for the revolution." "Ascha Gamal!" (Long live Gamal), chorused the crowd.

Down to the last page, Nasser's constitution resounded with promises of rights and freedom—the right to work, the right to pensions, freedom of press, speech, assembly, worship. Nasser and his experts had studied many constitutions, but above all the American—and the words rang resoundingly. But Nasser does not believe that Egypt is ready for such rights and freedom: he fears to turn the country back to "the old politicians" until his dedicated group has made more progress against Egypt's immemorial poverty, disease, corruption. So on the last page, Nasser's constitution has a dictatorial escape clause confirming as law all the military junta's previous decrees—including those restricting freedom. One of the last clauses said that for now, only one party may exist—a National Union (Nasser's Liberation Rally under another name). Next June 23, the National Union is expected to offer as sole candidate for a six-year presidential term the man all Cairo newspapers now refer to as Mister Nasser.

There seems no reason to doubt that both Mister Nasser and his constitution suit Egyptians fine as of now. His coups in playing off both West and East have fed his country's hungry pride. The new constitution backs his latest bid for Arab-bloc leadership by proclaiming Egypt "an integral part of the Arab nation," which ethnically it is not. It also declares that "Islam is the religion of the State," but gives no say to the Ulema (see above) as to how the country shall be run.

The week's loudest complaint against the constitution rose from Egypt's leading feminist, Dr. Doria Shafik, who declared that it grants "women no right whatsoever" and is a betrayal of written promises wrung from the regime by her 1954 hunger strike.