Europe: A Tale of Two Citadels
From Vienna's stately Hofburg Palace, where the Congress of Vienna met to realign Europe 150 years ago, five Prime Ministers and two other representatives of Europe's Outer Seven last week called for a meeting with ministers of the Common Market. They wanted to discuss "strengthening cooperation" and "coordinating policies" of the two blocs. Explained the man who had convened the Seven, Britain's Harold Wilson: "We are in our citadel, they are in theirs. There is no suggestion we should come out of ours waving a white flag. All we suggest is that we both come out of our citadels and seek to negotiate new arrangements."
Deepening Division. What worried Wilson concerns political leaders and businessmen throughout Europe: the deepening division between the Outer Seven (Britain, Sweden, Norway,Denmark, Portugal, Austria, Switzerland) and the Inner Six (France, West Germany, Belgium, Luxembourg, Italy, The Netherlands). On Jan. 1, 1967, the European Free Trade Association's final internal tariff reductions go into effect, to be followed six months afterward by those of the Common Market, and the worry is that trade patterns will become so set within the blocs that attempts to join them will be increasingly fruitless.
The E.F.T.A. meeting reflected a new British initiative to ward bridging the widening rift, a new effort to turn the nation's face once again toward the Continent. It was particularly surprising because Harold Wilson's Labor Party has always looked on Europe with a suspicious eye. When Britain applied for Common Market membership in 1961, it was under the leadership of Harold Macmillan's Conservatives; Labor's Hugh Gaitskell, in a slashing speech at Brighton only three months before his death, in effect committed the socialists to stay out of Europe.
Even today, a certain xenophobia, perhaps inspired by two world wars, still lingers, as does the reluctance to take any step that might "let down the Commonwealth." Moreover, the party's aging unionists, haunted by memories of Depression unemployment, oppose lowering tariffs against Continental merchandise, which, they fear, would imperil the jobs of British workers.
Building Bridges. As an economist, Wilson knows the dangers of this narrow approach; fact is, Common Market membership would stimulate British industry, even provide more jobs through the healthy influence of competition, and would widen the market for British goods.
Fully aware that probably half his own Cabinet opposes tight ties to Europe, Wilson has carefully avoided taking a public position pro or con. And what steps he has taken have not been in terms of lofty morals and principlesthe approach of his Tory predecessors. "Of course he is pro-Europe," says one Wilson intimate, "but he is a practical man who wants to do practical things to bring all Europeans together." This has taken the form of what Wilson calls "building bridges" to the Continent. In a series of trips during the past three months, he has touched bases in Europe: Bonn and Berlin, Paris, Rome, Vienna, and with each stop has placed Britain in closer relationship with European allies.
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