Czechoslovakia: Into Unexplored Terrain

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weakened under Communist rule. For too long it has been tied to barter agreements with the Soviet Union; shielded from competition, it allowed its industries to become sluggish and 'grossly inefficient. Forced to concentrate on providing iron, steel and heavy machinery for the Russians, it did not bother to keep up the quality of its other products or develop new ones that could be sold in world markets. Mismanaged by Communism's central planners, the economy simply became outmoded. In 1963, it even registered a negative growth rate.

Professor Sik and his colleagues will play a big role in Dubček's new Czechoslovakia. Under the New Economic Plan that they have proposed, sweeping changes will be made in the economy. Wholesale prices will be determined by market forces instead of party bureaucrats, and incentives will be introduced for both workers and management. Plant managers will have the power to fire unnecessary workers, to reinvest profits or to distribute them as bonuses to the workers. One of Czechoslovakia's main needs is to catch up with the West in technology and become competitive again in markets outside the Soviet bloc. Since the country lacks credits in the West, Sik will doubtless urge a quick expansion of trade with Western nations to pay for the sophisticated machines that the country needs for modernization and to buy more of the top-quality consumer goods sought by the people.

While the job of reconstructing Czechoslovakia's economy is going on, Dubček's government will be constantly under the shadow of the Soviet Union. Russia really does not need to march troops into Prague if it becomes displeased with Dubček and his regime. For one thing, it is not anxious to risk another Hungary while it is getting propaganda mileage out of the U.S.'s problems in Viet Nam. For another, the Russians now have such a firm grip on the Czechoslovak economy that they could badly damage it solely by economic reprisals. "Let us not forget," said the popular Prague TV commentator Milan Weiner, "that nine out of ten cars here are driven on Soviet gasoline, two of every three rolls are baked from Soviet flour, and that the gigantic metallurgical factories would stop in a few days if the supply of Soviet ore were interrupted."

For this reason and for many others, Dubček faces the delicate job of toeing a fine line between perilous extremes. He certainly wants to rebuild his country's bridges to Western Europe, pursue a more neutral foreign policy and promote more trade with the West—but he dare not invite Russian wrath. He must move ahead quickly enough with his reform program at home to satisfy the progressives, who have tasted their first real freedom in 20 years and now want democratic institutions to go with it. But he cannot alienate Czechoslovakia's considerable number of convinced and dedicated Communists by allowing criticism of the party and its creed to go to anarchic extremes.

More Heady. After years of waiting and watching liberalization spread through other Communist lands, the Czechoslovaks have finally moved at their own supreme moment and in their own manner. One of the most hopeful signs for the ultimate success of their revolution is the amount of participation by the people. Television has brought the winds of change into most of their homes. Throughout the country,