Where the Sword is Mightier Than the Pen

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One of the ancient traditions of the Russian Orthodox Church is the yurodivy, the holy fool who naively yet fearlessly speaks truth to power. Someone like that appeared on July 14 in Moscow's Cathedral of Christ the Savior, at the memorial service for Paul Klebnikov, the murdered editor in chief of Forbes Russia. A scruffily dressed middle-aged man in the congregation started speaking to no one in particular. "That's what happens when you write about the seriously rich. Of course, they won't find anyone," the man said, referring to the investigation. "They'll pick up some tramp ? and announce they have solved the case. The people who really did it have friends at the top."

Two weeks after Klebnikov was gunned down near his office, the investigation is making no apparent progress, and Forbes Russia wants to move on. "We are trying to stop the media circus," says the magazine's publisher, Leonid Bershidsky. The next issue of the business magazine — the Russian edition of U.S.-based Forbes, which Klebnikov launched just three months ago — is set to appear on time next week, but will carry little or no coverage of the affair, Bershidsky says. But he's modestly optimistic that the killing will be solved; members of the country's ruling élite are "pretty shaken" by the murder, he explains. Few share his optimism. Other than the fact that Klebnikov's murder was a contract killing, nothing is clear — not even how many bullets struck him on the evening of July 9, as he walked to a nearby metro station. Work is the likely motive. Journalism is a high-risk profession in Russia. Twenty-one reporters — all, except Klebnikov, Russian citizens — have been killed in the line of duty since 2000, including two so far this year, according to the Paris-based press group Reporters Without Borders. Contract killings in Russia are rarely solved.

Judging from his political writings, Klebnikov believed such outrages were a thing of the past. A member of the old Russian élite that emigrated after the 1917 revolution, Klebnikov wrote hard-hitting stories about the wild capitalism of the mid-'90s. As editor of Forbes Russia, he was more optimistic about the country's prospects than many Western colleagues. He also espoused a profoundly conservative brand of Russian nationalism. In Conversation with a Barbarian, a 2003 book published only in Russian, he voiced concern that the Christian West was losing its cultural struggle with Islam: "While Muslims diligently adhere to their faith, their traditions and the principle of families with many children, our political leaders are filling our heads with groundless and godless liberalism." More liberal Forbes Russia staffers frequently debated his nationalist views with him, Bershidsky says: "Paul was very pro-Russia, and being a descendant of the old nobility wanted Russia to be a great power. He had a problem with Islam." This has led to speculation that Chechens may have been behind his murder. But there are many other theories that are equally, or more, plausible. Forbes Russia's May list of the country's 100 richest people could have irritated someone who was or wasn't included. Klebnikov's death could have been revenge for some past reporting, or sparked by fear of a new revelation. It could even have been caused by a more banal business dispute. There is no guarantee that the real story will ever be known. Many observers suspect the investigation will be used, as one U.S. diplomat remarks, "to settle a few old scores." But a lot more hangs on the case than the Kremlin may realize. The continuing crackdown on the Russian media is viewed in the West as a signal that Russia is returning to its authoritarian roots. In a press conference after Klebnikov's death, his brother Peter said: "As long as resolving disputes or removing someone who stands in the way by murder is considered normal, the country is sick." A swift, impartial investigation would be strong medicine. Without it, the only people who will dare speak up in future will be yurodivy.