Czechoslovakia: Days of Dark Uncertainty

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At first glance, it seemed as if the Russians had gone a long way toward "normalizing" Czechoslovakia by rescinding most of the personal and political freedoms that had been granted during the heady liberal regime of Alexander Dubček. In fact, the plucky Czechoslovaks were using their wits and will to walk a shaky tightwire between overt compliance and covert resistance to Russia's goals. Last week, as Soviet soldiers settled into winter quarters outside Prague and other cities for what is likely to be a long occupation, it was plain that the Kremlin considered Czechoslovakia far from normalized—and was growing dangerously impatient with the country's noncooperative foot dragging.

Summons to Moscow. Most impatient of all, it seemed, was Communist Party Boss Leonid Brezhnev. Last week Brezhnev ordered Dubček to report to Moscow with his personal list of Czechoslovak "counter-revolutionaries"—for comparison with Brezhnev's own. Under pressure from Brezhnev and his Kremlin colleagues, Dubček accepted the resignation of Foreign Minister Jiři Hájek, who defiantly demanded withdrawal of Russian troops before the U.N. Security Council last month. He was the third reformer of ministerial rank to be sacked (Deputy Premier Ota Sik and Interior Minister Josef Pavel preceded him). Among other leaders forced out: Television Chief Jiři Pelikán, Radio Chief Zdenek Hejzlar and Dr. František Kriegel, popular liberal member of the Presidium. Brezhnev tossed Kriegel out of the Soviet-Czechoslovak meeting in Moscow last month by icily ordering Dubček: "Get this Galician Jew out of here."

Further evidence came to light last week from Prague sources to indicate that Brezhnev had been the real heavy during the Moscow meetings. He would listen only to President Ludvik Svoboda, a hero of the Czechoslovak brigade that fought against the Nazis. Impatiently and arrogantly, he cut off the others in midsentence. Moreover, claimed the sources, as soon as word reached Moscow that President Johnson had left Washington's crisis atmosphere for his Texas ranch, Brezhnev and the other Russians felt assured that there would be no U.S. move to counter their invasion. Accordingly, they hardened their attitude toward the captive Czechoslovak leaders.

Islands of Emptiness. The Kremlin spewed out its displeasure with the uncooperative Czechoslovaks in a Tass report that accused "people in high party positions" of deliberately "sabotaging 'the Moscow agreements." Dubček himself may well be at the top of the list. It has not escaped the Russians that he has managed to countervail the loss of many a reformer by sacking a pro-Moscow counterpart (last week's swap: Hájek for Communications Minister Karel Hoffman, who compliantly ordered radio and TV to go off the air shortly after the invasion began).