Nation: NIXON'S 2

AT the outset of his campaign for the presidency, Richard Nixon adopted an aloof, efficient style that was designed to fulfill a double objective: he wanted to show himself to the nation as a cool, controlled figure, and he wanted to avoid the sort of major mistake that can lose an election. From New Hampshire through the convention and well into the campaign, the tactic has worked well. There have been no irretrievable blunders. Yet Nixon has made some moves that may prove to be mistakes—or that, at least, his opponents can exploit as mistakes. There is no sign, so far, that they are anywhere near important enough to destroy Nixon's commanding lead, but they are giving Hubert Humphrey his first real opportunity to try to build a cumulative attack on his Republican rival.

The TV Issue. Nixon's most recent problem is his evasion of a national television debate. That evasion has already begun damaging his image. In refusing to debate, Nixon is heeding the traditional wisdom—that as the front runner he would risk losing more than he could possibly gain. He is also recalling his unhappy experience in 1960. Yet the fact is that Humphrey would be a far less appealing figure on TV than was Jack Kennedy. In addition, Nixon's opponents can needle him, if he persists in vetoing a debate, by asking what he is afraid of.

Last week Senate Republicans led by Minority Leader Everett Dirksen combined to shield Nixon from a TV debate by killing a bill, already passed by the House, that would have cleared the way for the encounter by temporarily suspending FCC equal-time regulations. Dirksen pointed out that Senate Democrats, including Hubert Humphrey, had opposed a similar bill four years ago to permit debates between Lyndon Johnson and Barry Goldwater —and had done so for the same tactical reasons. Dirksen might also have noted that when Humphrey was in the lead during contention for the Democratic nomination, he steadfastly refused to tangle with Eugene McCarthy and Robert Kennedy in a debate.

In some desperation, Humphrey even offered to finance an hour's television debate. Nixon put out the word that the maneuver was just a gimmick and "the issue is closed." He explained that he was reluctant to debate Humphrey solely because George Wallace would legally have a right to share the platform, and he did not want to give the Alabama racist a boost. It remains a question, however, whether Wallace would have a right to appear if another candidate paid for the air time. Still, a great many voters believe that Nixon should debate this year, just as Johnson should have debated in 1964, and Humphrey last spring.

For the first time, Nixon was encountering serious heckling last week, and much of it dwelt on his refusal to debate. In Akron, he cut short his speech by ten minutes after well-organized demonstrators in the balcony reduced his rally to a shambles. The hecklers, mainly students, shouted "Debate! Debate! Why don't you debate?" Elsewhere, they toted signs condemning DOUBLETALK or demanding SPECIFICS, NOT GENERALITIES.