THE PRESIDENCY: Descent from the Summit

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IT is generally expected of great historic events these days that they should have some immediate, dramatic consequences. No one could deny that Richard Nixon's Peking summit was such a historic moment, or that the public's expectations were intensified by its being the first event of such magnitude ever to be staged for television. Even so, there is a widespread feeling that what followed the President's dramatic voyage was somewhat anticlimactic, a bit of a letdown—except, perhaps, for returning journalists and officials, who found themselves instant celebrities in demand for interviews and talk shows. Abroad, the trip caused plenty of comment and speculation, both favorable and unfavorable. By contrast, the U.S. reaction was rather uncritically enthusiastic.

One of the larger controversies over the China voyage, in fact, seemed to be about who could, or should, visit the People's Republic next. In the wake of the President's trip, the lineup of Americans eager to go to China was growing almost as long as the Great Wall. Julie and David Eisenhower and Tricia and Eddie Cox have been invited to Peking as tourists. Invitations have also been extended to Senate Leaders Mike Mansfield and Hugh Scott—much to the annoyance of House Speaker Carl Albert and Minority Leader Gerald Ford, who wondered why they could not go too. Albert warned that if the institutional slight was not corrected, "appropriate action" would be taken. An apologetic White House assured the Congressmen that other invitations from Peking would be forthcoming.

When the Spirit of '76 brought the President home last week, he was clearly euphoric. The festive atmosphere at Andrews Air Force Base —where Vice President Spiro Agnew headed the welcoming committee —more than made up for the tepid reception that greeted Nixon in Peking. While trumpets blared out Hail to the Chief, the plane taxied up to the edge of the crowd of cheering thousands, with the whole scene captured on television.

"We have demonstrated," said Nixon, "that nations with very big and fundamental differences can learn to discuss those differences calmly, rationally and frankly, without compromising their principles. This is the basis of a structure for peace."

Quick Mind. To keep up the spirit of summitry, Nixon and Foreign Policy Adviser Henry Kissinger spent much of last week briefing Cabinet officers, congressional leaders and newsmen on what had gone on behind the scenes in Peking. The President laid to rest all doubts that Mao Tse-tung is nothing more than a senile figurehead. For all his years and illnesses, Nixon said, he has a "very quick mind." (Kissinger also described Mao as having an earthy sense of humor.) Why, then, did the President talk with the Chairman for only an hour? The time was sufficient, Nixon replied, because the talk was kept on a high philosophical plane. How profitable that summit conversation was can only be conjectured, since philosophy is not generally considered Nixon's strong point.