THE CONGRESS: Opening of the Showdown Session

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THE Democratic Congress will give the Republican President a standing ovation when he arrives to deliver his State of the Union address this week. Richard Nixon will wave, smile broadly, radiate friendliness, probably even compliment the lawmakers on their high dedication to the common good. Yet the ceremonial show of civility, demanded by custom, will scarcely conceal the fact that this is an election year, and that relations between the Hill and the White House are at a peak of partisanship unmatched since Harry Truman ran against a "do-nothing" 80th Congress in 1948.

As the 92nd Congress returns for the second session, its Democratic leaders face a delicate task. They share a visceral determination, strengthened by the personal presidential ambitions of half a dozen Senators, to knock Nixon out of office. Even such usually cooperative politicians as Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield, House Speaker Carl Albert and House Ways and Means Chairman Wilbur Mills resent what they consider Nixon's highhandedness with Congress. They want to do him in. But they dare not appear merely as obstructionist, and must give their party a positive congressional record on which to run. They know only too well that Nixon, like Truman, is the kind of gut fighter who would relish giving them hell.

Hit on the Head. Nixon's own legislative problem is just as difficult. His overblown "new American revolution" in domestic affairs is stalled, partly because of the recession, partly because he is preoccupied by global politics, and partly because he has failed to generate enough popular enthusiasm for his programs to overcome Democratic opposition. Except for his belated moves to control the economy, his performance in addressing the problems at home has been weak, and this is his greatest political vulnerability.

To protect himself Nixon must either convince the nation that his proposals were sound but were sabotaged by Democrats, or he must seek compromises with Congress and claim credit for the resulting legislation. At the outset of the new session, compromise seems to be Nixon's tactic. Says one of his legislative aides: "Our strategy will be to change if necessary, get the President's name on legislation and share the credit rather than fight totally and be hit on the head with it during the campaign."

As the President secluded himself at Camp David to work over drafts of his address with his top speechwriter, Raymond Price, other White House aides indicated that Nixon would propose few new major programs. Taking a conciliatory tone, he is expected to urge Congress to complete action on his previous proposals, including welfare reform, revenue sharing and environmental protection. He will seek new incentives to stimulate scientific and technological research, check drug abuse and increase U.S. exports. He may endorse a national program of mandatory health insurance.