INDIANS: Twin Stalemates

The few hundred Indian militants who seized the trading post of Wounded Knee, S. Dak., may have been impelled by contradictory objectives and muddled moralities, but their guerrilla tactics and resolve have proved effective enough. Three weeks after they first took several residents hostage, they were still holding at bay 125 federal marshals, 150 FBI agents and 15 armored personnel carriers. Public sympathy, first with the militants, was slowly drying up. Yet their prime objective had been achieved. National attention had been focused, if fleetingly, on the plight of the Indian in much the same way that it focused on black grievances during civil rights demonstrations in the 1960s.

By last week, Wounded Knee had become nothing short of an insurrection city under siege. Six Indian women cut and stitched old sweaters into socks and headgear for border patrol guards. A pot of herbal medicine cooked on the stove at a makeshift clinic. Carpenters, using an old cash register as a sawhorse, cut lumber to fashion housing cubicles. For the most part, the enclave had taken on a grim look, with trenches, fortifications and garbage all about.

The leaders of the American Indian Movement declared that the 4-sq.-mi. area had seceded from the U.S. The new Oglala nation, they decreed, was on a "war footing" with its mother country. In a burst of ill-considered bravado, AIM Leader Russell Means called for a national pilgrimage of 300,000 outsiders to the area by Easter.

With the free publicity that his statement received, Wounded Knee was threatened by a flood of immigrants—rucksack revolutionaries, Viet Nam veterans and trigger-happy soldiers of misfortune.

Means quickly withdrew the invitation and set quotas on those allowed into the village. So far, only 32 whites and 15 Chicanos have qualified under AIM'S provisions—no freaks, no lazies, no pot smokers, no drinkers. There were no similar quotas or restrictions, however, on journalists; they continued to find themselves uncomfortably welcome in the new nation. Some wondered aloud whether the media were not providing much of AIM'S momentum, for better or worse (see THE PRESS).

Federal agents vacillated between leniency and harshness. In hopes that the Indians would decamp, they lifted their blockades around the area. Few Indians left; instead, several postal inspectors, who had moved in to assess damage to post office facilities, were marched out at gunpoint. The next day, after militants shot an FBI agent in the wrist, the blockades were reimposed, and the situation remained a stalemate. A ground assault by marshals seemed unlikely, with well-armed Indians holed up on a strategic hill. An airborne assault, though more effective, would surely play even more into the Indians' dramatic, martyrizing script.

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ROBB LEVIN, resident of Fairfax, Virginia, on the $15,000 lawsuit settlement made against Tareq and Michaele Salahi, the White House gate crashers, who are also involved in at least 15 other civil suits

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