Nation: A Sudden Vision of Peace

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so sharply on some basic issues that it would be wise to quit holding joint sessions. Instead, Carter began conducting what is known in diplomacy as "proximity talks." Because Sadat and Begin were in lodges less than 100 yds. apart, Carter was able to move easily from a bilateral conversation with one to a chat with the other. Meanwhile, trilateral meetings continued between ministerial-level officials, such as Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, Israeli Foreign Minister Dayan and Egyptian Foreign Minister Mohammed Ibrahim Kamel.

After several intense sessions between he Americans and Egyptians, Sadat telephoned Jordan's King Hussein in London. Since the King's cooperation is essential for any enduring Middle East peace, it was thought Sadat had heard something new from the Israelis and wanted to try it out on the Jordanian. Powell's disclosure of the phone call even triggered some speculation, which proved quite unfounded, that Hussein was planning to join the talks. Remarked one of the King's aides about the Sadat phone call: "His Majesty was very pessimistic about Camp David before the summit began and has heard nothing to change that view." At this point, word began circulating that the summit was deadlocked. Begin, Sadat and Carter had not formally met with each other since the preceding Thursday and had not even been together since the Gettysburg outing. The Arab and Israeli leaders had not exchanged a substantial word for days. Hearing of the deadlock speculation, Powell exclaimed: "There is not any 'stalemate'! Period."

On Wednesday Powell was more guarded than ever at his briefing. He talked of "final stages." He said so many meetings were taking place simultaneously that "I can't imagine any more intensive period of discussions." But he added, "There is still no basis for informed speculation as to the final outcome."

With the proceedings seemingly winding to a close as the weekend neared, Vance, Dayan, Kamel and other top officials from the three sides entered into a flurry of consultations and negotiations. Their task apparently was to draft some sort of statement. But Carter continued meeting separately with Begin and Sadat. One evening he dropped by Begin's lodge; the following morning he strolled with Sadat for more than an hour along Camp David's wooded trails.

The strange cycle of hopes and fears continued. At one point on Thursday, Carter was sufficiently optimistic to get in touch with Speaker of the House Thomas ("Tip") O'Neill Jr. to discuss imminent post-summit arrangements.

O'Neill was asked if the House leadership of both parties would be able to join Carter at the White House to discuss the results of Camp David on Friday, presumably after the summit would have ended. The President also inquired whether the House International Relations Committee would be able to meet privately on Friday with Begin and Sadat. O'Neill responded yes to both questions.

But when Carter wanted to know if he would be able to explain what happened at Camp David to a televised joint session of Congress on Monday, O'Neill had reservations. A noon address was out, advised Tip; it would interrupt the Congressmen's rush to clear the legislative calendar so that they could hit the campaign trail. And a 9 p.m. appearance,

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STANLEY V. WHITE, chief of staff for Representative Robert Brady, one of dozens of lawmakers who used statements that were ghostwritten by biotechnology company Genentech during the health care debate in the House

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