Storm over the Alliance

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the Soviets because, without warning, they called for sharp cuts in the superpowers' nuclear arsenals. When Moscow balked, Carter quickly dropped the initiative. The allies found Carter's stands on the Soviets' so-called combat brigade in Cuba particularly confounding: first the presence of the unit on the island was "not acceptable," then it was tacitly accepted. At times, the allies contend, it has been totally unclear who really has been in charge of formulating the Administration's approach to the Soviets: the generally cautious Secretary of State Cyrus Vance or the more hawkish National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski. This has prompted the West Germans to label the U.S. policy as one characterized by Wirrwarr or confusion. Concludes a top-ranking chancellery official in Bonn: "Carter's motives have been beyond question, as has been his integrity. It's been his lack of aptitude that has undermined his reliability."

To other Europeans, Carter's erratic moves smack of domestic American politics. The French specifically feel that it is more than coincidental that Carter decided to get tough with Iran and the allies on the eve of this week's Pennsylvania presidential primary. Their own domestic politics, however, also play a role in shaping the allies' response to Washington; Chancellor Schmidt must stand for election next fall, and he is being criticized by Franz Josef Strauss, his rival, for being too soft on the Soviets.

For key allies, special factors color their perception of foreign affairs. Though shared traditions, language and the bonds of two world wars draw the British especially close to the U.S., Washington recognizes that London will not freeze Iranian assets because that could undermine world confidence in Britain's profitable international banking business.

The Japanese not only are more dependent on foreign energy supplies than any other of the major allies, they are also isolated from their partners by geography, time zones and even language. The Japanese claim that they are by nature reluctant to speak out boldly on issues. Says Jun Tsunoda, director of Tokyo's Center for Strategic Studies: "We are brought up in a tradition of civility. We don't like to say blunt things."

The French treasure the legacy of Charles de Gaulle that mandates they pursue an independent foreign policy. Independence usually has been defined as opposing the U.S., and all French politicians, even one as powerful as Giscard, must be careful not to appear to tag along after Washington.

Additionally, Paris insists that it has a unique relationship with Moscow that enables the French to mediate between the West and the Soviets.

Keeping some distance from the Americans is also the policy of the left-wing socialists who constitute an influential minority within Schmidt's Social Democratic Party. Says one of its most prominent members, former Chancellor Willy Brandt: "We must not be more American than the Americans." As half of a divided nation, West Germany is reluctant to pursue policies that could impair the ability of its citizens to visit their relatives in East Germany or that could once again raise tensions around Berlin. In the aftermath of Bonn's condemnation of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, for example, Moscow forced cancellation of a