Reagan's Cabinet: Mixed Grades

(2 of 8)

Haig has also led the Administration, and himself, through a series of mid-course corrections in what originally seemed to be an oversimplified East-West view of the world. Although the U.S. has yet to develop a comprehensive Middle East policy, the early emphasis on forging a strategic anti-Soviet consensus in the region has been balanced by giving more attention to resolving the Palestinian question. Latin-American policy has long been dominated by concern over El Salvador, which Washington charged was being threatened by leftist rebels whose support came from Cuba and Nicaragua. In a meeting with Nicaragua's Foreign Minister last week, Haig slightly modified the Administration's harsh rhetoric about that country's arms buildup and spoke of a possible normalization of relations between the U.S. and the left-wing government there. For such efforts, Haig merits a B-plus in international diplomacy. In intramural diplomacy, he is always in danger of flunking out.

Treasury's Treasure

Donald Regan, 62, has become a White House favorite. The Irish ancestry he shares with the President does not hurt, nor does his smooth, self-assured manner. More important, though, is that, of the top members of the Cabinet, Regan is the only one who has not yet embarrassed the White House or caused a major problem. That in itself is something of a surprise, because when he came to Washington from Wall Street, the Treasury Secretary seemed out of step with the supply-side tax cutters who had Reagan's ear. Regan, who initially warned against the dangers of huge deficits, is now an ardent defender of the tax cuts, which he helped persuade Congress to pass.

Regan, something of a slow starter, was overshadowed at first by Budget Director David Stockman. That prompted Citicorp Chairman Walter Wriston, a longtime friend, to observe: "One day Don Regan is going to wake up and eat David Stockman for breakfast." Regan has not done that, but he has become increasingly dominant. When Stockman began urging new taxes for 1982 to reduce the deficit, Regan dissuaded the President. He has managed to keep a diverse group of monetarists, pragmatists and supply-siders in harness at Treasury.

Above all, Regan has been an enthusiastic team player, willing to learn legislative strategy from Reagan's chief of staff, James Baker and conceding gracefully when he has lost minor skirmishes at the White House. While some see his occasional lack of assertiveness as a failing, it has served him well in cementing what will probably be a solid relationship with the man in the Oval Office. The final marks are not yet in on the success of the Administration's tax policy, but Regan gets an A for his attempts to make it work.

Cap the Shovel

Once known as Cap the Knife for his budget-cutting zeal in the Nixon and Ford Administrations, Caspar Weinberger, 64, has pressed with equal relish for whopping increases in the military budget. This has led to a dichotomy in his performance as Secretary of Defense: detractors say he has fallen prey to the Pentagon's shopping-list mentality and has been uncreative in setting strategic priorities; supporters say he is faithfully carrying out Reagan's policy of rearming America. Both sides are right.