Seeking Votes and Clout

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bold bid to personalize the crusade has caused a painful split among black leaders. Many supporters, Mayor Hatcher being the foremost, have been caught up in the enthusiasm. "For years blacks were told to use the ballot box," he says. "We've finally become convinced. Not only can we use it, but we know how to play the game. It's absolutely appalling to me that people now would say to us, 'Don't do it.' " Agrees T. Willard Fair, president of the Urban League of Miami: "The timing is absolutely correct. We have to run and run and run until we win. If black folks waited until a bunch of white folks were ready, we would never run."

Among those who tend to oppose Jackson's candidacy are many black elected officials who got where they are by building coalitions with white moderates, Mayor Andrew Young, a longtime associate of Jackson's from the days when they worked together on King's staff, is one. "A Jackson candidacy creates a problem for the 'real' politician with a Black base who needs white support," he contends. Young, who was leaning toward endorsing Mondale, has decided to work with Jackson for now in hopes of channeling the PUSH president's energy into other directions: "I may be joining up with him as a means of dissuading him from running." He fears that too many black leaders may join with Jackson rather than influence, and gain influence with, a candidate who will win. "Jesse's candidacy so far is a good media event. It's serving its purpose for Jesse and for the black community. But it's also serving a good Republican purpose," he says. Mayor Coleman Young of Detroit is another who feels that a Jackson candidacy would in the end help Reagan most of all.

A majority of the Congressional Black Caucus, made up of the 21 blacks in the House of Representatives, agree. Says Mickey Leland of Texas, who is supporting Mondale: "Democrats need someone with winnability." Leland has vowed to confront Jackson personally and urge him not to run: "I'm going to let my blood flow in the streets on this one." Caucus Chairman Julian Dixon of California opposes Jackson for more personal reasons: "He suffers from a lack of follow-through. He's never demonstrated a strong administrative leadership role."

Old-line civil rights leaders are also skeptical about a Jackson candidacy. They tend to be more cautious than their gung-ho Chicago colleague, somewhat resentful of his self-promoting style, and above all unwilling to have him act as broker for them in the political arena. Both Benjamin Hooks of the N.A.A.C.P. and Lowery have expressed their reservations. Of the candidates who embrace the black leadership's "people's platform," Lowery says, he will urge support for the one "who has the best chance of helping my vote purchase a one-way ticket west for the present occupant of the White House." Says Hooks: "I don't think a black candidate has a ghost of a chance."

Jackson is in fact such a bugbear to many whites that he is sometimes a political liability. After the celebration of Harold Washington's primary victory in Chicago, at which Jackson planted himself on the podium and led an impolitic chant of "We want it all!", he was shooed away from the general election