Seeking Votes and Clout

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campaign in which white votes were needed to win; he was only called back on Election Day to help turn out the vote in black neighborhoods. W. Wilson Goode has made it clear that he wants Jackson nowhere near his race for mayor of Philadelphia. And organizers of the mammoth demonstration planned for later this month to commemorate the 20th anniversary of the March on Washington are petrified that Jackson will attempt to dominate the event and make it a launching pad for his candidacy. "They're trying to hem me in by keeping all the speeches to five minutes," Jackson complains. "That's the same thing they tried to do with Martin when they limited his speech to eight minutes." But as Jackson no doubt recalls, no one tried to cut short Martin Luther King Jr. once he began his "I have a dream" speech that day in 1963.

Jackson hopes to form a "rainbow coalition" of blacks, other minorities, women, laborers, peace activists and the white poor. Although some Hispanic leaders support his campaign, this rainbow, particularly with him as the pot of gold, is a dream that extends far beyond the visible horizon. Women are wary of Jackson's antiabortion views. He frequently tells the story of how his unwed teen-age mother, on the advice of her doctor, almost had an abortion when she was pregnant with him and was only dissuaded by her minister. Jackson has begun stressing that although he is morally opposed to abortion, he believes that the law should allow a woman free choice. Nevertheless, women have not yet rallied to his cause. Neither has labor. The AFL-CIO decided last week to make its endorsement earlier than planned, and is now set to throw its support behind Mondale at its October convention. Even a labor member of the black leadership family made it clear that he would be supporting the union's candidate rather than anyone fielded by blacks.

But while the pros are saying no, the grass roots are shouting yes. Rural farmers are inspired by Jackson's sermons on the value of the vote; teen-age urban blacks are turned on by his clenched-fist determination; the downtrodden hear in his ringing tones an authentic voice for their concerns. A hustler, perhaps, but a hustler on their behalf. "He does a lot better with the masses than with the leadership," says Holman of the National Urban Coalition. Wherever he goes he attracts enthusiastic crowds, rousing them, inspiring them and drawing them into his quest. "I feel it is important that he run," says Richard Branch, 30, an Atlanta real estate salesman. "I don't think he can win, but that's not the issue."

The current crop of Democratic candidates is treating Jackson warily, knowing full well that any attempt to keep him out of the race would only reinforce his inclination to stay in it. Aides to Mondale, who has the most popularity among blacks and thus the most to lose, have met with Jackson to discuss other political contributions he could make, like running the party's voter-registration drive. They have also explained that winning delegates requires a mastery of state election laws and long hours of grass-roots organizing.

Jackson is unswayed by the argument that he should not run for fear of undercutting Mondale's strength. Other liberals with little chance of winning are not criticized for making a bid, he points