EGYPT: Needed: A 56-Day Miracle

A string of cars rolled into the driveway of the huge, brownish-grey Cairo mansion of Fuad Serag el Din, Egypt's most dangerous politician, one night last week. It was late, after curfew, and the last pedestrian had scurried to shelter. A soldier smartly togged in green hurried over, took a quick look at the curfew pass of Imam Bey, Egypt's political police chief, and snapped a salute. Trusted policemen jumped out of the other cars. Imam Bey rang the bell of the darkened house; a servant told him that Serag el Din was across the street at the elaborate villa of Nahas Pasha, onetime fellah and now the aging, feeble chief of the powerful, corruption-ridden Wafd Party. As Minister of the Interior, Serag el Din had been the power behind Nahas Pasha until Cairo's fiery January 26 riots had toppled them both from power.

Across the street, light filtered through the shutters on the second-floor suite of Madame Nahas, a plump, attractive woman of 40, and great friend and business partner of huge, fleshy Serag el Din. Policeman Imam Bey rang the bell. Serag el Din finally appeared, opened the door. Imam Bey produced a written order: by government decree, Serag el Din was ordered into enforced confinement on the 780-acre estate of his wife (a member of Egypt's biggest landowning family), 36 miles out of Cairo.

Serag el Din, who knows the rules of the dangerous game he plays, submitted gracefully. When Madame Nahas' brother began wailing, he snapped: "Oh, don't make a scandal."

Good Friend Farouk. At 4 that morning, a Cadillac bearing Serag el Din drew up to the family's country estate, now completely cordoned by police. The ex-minister and real boss of the Wafdists stood on his porch, lit a stogie, then shrugged his shoulders, walked inside and went to bed. The same morning, Imam Bey's men picked up Abdel Fattah Hassan, Serag el Din's crony, and plumped him down also on a Delta estate.

With these arrests, the first round went to Ahmed Naguib Hilaly Pasha, the Premier, the honest man without a party (TIME, March 10). But like all championship fights, this one has many more rounds to go, and Hilaly is still at a disadvantage. He can count on only one powerful friend, King Farouk, who has been waiting a long time to strike down the Wafd Party and Serag el Din. Honest Hilaly sadly lacks popular political support.

Parliament is suspended for the moment, and the huge Wafd majority in both Houses is powerless. The King's men can hold power for a while, buttressed by the army, the police, the curfew and tight press censorship. But the King's men haven't much time. The cry of "Down with the King!" is already being heard in student demonstrations.

Already the Wafd's propaganda machine, which reaches into the smallest hamlet, is buzzing that Hilaly is selling out to the British and trying to cover up by shouting about Wafd corruption. If Parliament should reconvene on April 2, after its 30-day suspension, Hilaly would be overwhelmed by the Wafdist majorities. Hilaly, fighting for time, asked Farouk to dissolve Parliament and order new elections on May 18.

In the 56 days of grace thus won, Hilaly will have to work two miracles that others before him have been unable to accomplish in 25 years. He may win if he can 1) prove Wafd corruption; 2) make real headway with the British.