The Nation: Carter Faces the 'Fuzziness' Issue

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Part of Carter's problem lies in the unorthodox type of campaign he is conducting. Although he says he enjoys discussing issues, he also believes that the central issue this year is not jobs or détente but the feeling many Americans have that the country has lost its moral and spiritual underpinnings, its sense of purpose and direction. Carter's basic campaign speech deals almost exclusively with the "spiritual" issue. Until recently, wherever he went; he delivered the standard speech ("If we could just have a government as good as the American people are, that would be a great achievement"). Only after he was finished would he open the meeting to questions or more specific issues. Usually his answers were clear and precise.

Favorite Codeword. But he is not above tailoring his responses to his audiences, using language with extraordinary subtlety. At an appearance before a conservative businessman's club in Jacksonville last January, for example, he was asked for his opinion on what had gone wrong with U.S. foreign policy in recent years. Carter's usual answer is that excessive secrecy and an unwillingness to allow the American people to participate in policymaking are the root of the problem. This time, however, he said, "American foreign policy has been characterized since the end of World War II by a retreat into secrecy." The emphasis was on the word "retreat"—a favorite codeword among conservatives.

Before a conservative audience in Pensacola, Fla., Carter was asked to explain his policy toward South Korea. "I do not believe we should withdraw Americans from Korea," Carter said, "except on a phased basis." He had not actually misstated his position—he favors a U.S. withdrawal from South Korea over a period of about five years —but he had stated it in such a way that his audience could easily have gained a different impression. Indeed, at least one reporter came away thinking that Carter had said he wanted the U.S. military to remain in Korea.

"I never intentionally try to mislead my audiences," Carter says. "I know I don't prepare my answers in advance. But at the same time, I don't see anything inherently wrong in trying to say things in such a way that I don't irritate people, as long as I remain consistent with my basic position." It may be, as Carter's press secretary, Jody Powell, has noted, that a liberal on race, coming from what was one of the most segregated areas of the Deep South, learns intuitively to speak between the lines.

Another reason for the fuzziness charge is Carter's tendency to give long and complex answers to questions. His positions on abortion and school busing are thoughtful and clear. He is personally against both, but supports the Supreme Court's rulings on abortion and busing. His explanations are so lengthy, however, that some people suspect he is trying to hoodwink them—in part because his answers have appeal to partisans on both sides of issues. Somewhat confusingly, he opposes amnesty but would issue a full pardon to Viet Nam draft evaders during the first week of his presidency. Carter explains: "Amnesty implies what you did was right; a pardon says that whether what you did is right or wrong, we forgive you for it."