Southern Africa: Passing the Hat for Zimbabwe

Washington drops in a bundle, but also irks some black leaders

Part of the deal for ending the long civil war in Zimbabwe was a massive international aid program to help the nation get back on its feet. Last week Zimbabwe benefited from just such a display of compassionate check writing. In a remarkable pass-the-hat meeting in Salisbury, representatives of 36 nations—some of them not much better off than Zimbabwe itself—pledged nearly $1.4 billion in aid to the nation once known as Rhodesia. Even tiny, impoverished Sierra Leone weighed in with $90,000. But the pledge that probably pleased Zimbabwe most came from the U.S.: $225 million over the next three years. "The creation of Zimbabwe is one of the most remarkable political and diplomatic achievements of this generation," declared U.S. Delegate M. Peter McPherson, newly appointed head of the Agency for International Development. "In committing our support we are also providing support for peaceful settlements to international conflicts."

To many black Africans, the U.S. generosity was an encouraging sign at an otherwise disturbing moment. It was an obvious attempt to shore up the government of Prime Minister Robert Mugabe—even though he is a Marxist—and it ran counter to the Reagan Administration's recently announced cuts in foreign aid. Still, the American pledge came just as the U.S. seemed to be warming up to white-ruled South Africa. The combination of events suggested that the White House was trying to reverse a policy that has been in force for two decades. The policy said, in effect: the U.S. could either embrace South Africa and apartheid, or continue with efforts to befriend black Africa, but not both. For years, the U.S. has pursued the latter course. Now, many black Africans fear, Washington will place more importance on South Africa's mineral wealth and strategic position on the southern oil lanes than it does on racial justice.

The first inkling that the new Administration might be considering a change came March 3 in an interview between Reagan and Walter Cronkite. South Africa was a friendly power, Reagan said, and the U.S. could scarcely abandon a country that has "stood behind us in every war we ever fought." Two weeks ago, Reagan officials were toying with the idea of inviting Prime Minister P.W. Botha to Washington after his expected victory in national elections later this month. The Administration has asked Congress to repeal the 1976 Clark amendment, which bars covert U.S. aid to rebel guerrillas in Angola. For its part, South Africa may have used the tough new U.S. stance against terrorism to accelerate a war against leftist guerrillas in Namibia, which South Africa has administered since 1920.

Perhaps the most disturbing sign to black African countries was the revelation last week that on March 15 Jeane Kirkpatrick, U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, had met with Lieutenant General P.W. Van der Westhuizen, chief of South Africa's military intelligence. South African officers are barred from visiting the U.S. on official business, but after Reagan's television statement, the general and four aides flew to Washington anyway.