Mayor Barry: A Capital Offense

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Despite his regime's performance, Barry is still popular with black voters. "People are quick to forget all that he's done for us," says public- housing activist Kimi Gray. In racially divided Washington, white residents of comfortable neighborhoods in the city's northwest seldom stray into the areas where most black citizens dwell. Many blacks believe that whites are following a devious "plan" to regain political control of the District by embarrassing black officials. The mayor has survived by playing on that fear and, like any good political boss, distributing favors to his constituents.

Loyalty to Barry may be costing Washingtonians their long-cherished dream of gaining voting representation in Congress through a congressional amendment granting statehood to the District. Says Mark Plotkin, a member of the city's Democratic committee: "We ask members of Congress, 'What about statehood?' and they look at us and say, 'What about the mayor?' "

In 1978 Barry was elected to his first term with predominantly white support. In the city's overwhelmingly white Ward 3, for instance, he took 51% of the vote. That figure had dwindled to 15% by his second re-election in 1986. The dismay seems to be spreading across the city. In a recent Washington Post poll, 41% of the respondents believed Barry was doing a poor job. Only 20% gave him high marks. "Barry is his own worst enemy," says Lowell Duckett, head of the D.C. Black Police Caucus. "Black leadership is going to have to hold black elected officials accountable for their actions." Especially if the other Washington is ever to begin functioning effectively again.

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ROBB LEVIN, resident of Fairfax, Virginia, on the $15,000 lawsuit settlement made against Tareq and Michaele Salahi, the White House gate crashers, who are also involved in at least 15 other civil suits

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